Glenn Bowman

The Choreography of Cohabitation: Contemporary Sharing of Shrines in Macedonia

Glenn Bowman - Reader at the School of Anthropology and Conversation, University of Kent.G.W.Bowman@kent.ac.uk

This paper aims to contribute some contemporary fieldwork insights from Macedonia to discussions on the coexistence of Muslims (both Sunni and Sufi) and Orthodox Christians around sacred sites. While recent developments have led to the dominance of'clash of civilisations' discourse in such situations, I here use detailed studies of the three sites where intercommunal mixing occurs to evidence a range of different modalities of interaction, spanning a spectrum from overt antagonistic intolerance through non-conflictual cohabitation to forms of sharing close to syncretistic practice. The paper investigates the elements of the social fields engaged by these communities that prompt hostility, permit coexistence, and promote identification, and inquires whether the more benign forms of interaction currently

The article was sent to the editor by the author.

I am grateful to the British Academy and the Arts and Humanities Research Council for providing grants for expeditionary research in Palestine and Macedonia, and to Elizabeth Koneshka, who helped me with my research in Macedonia and published her own research on these sacred sites. Koneska, E. (2013) "Shared Shrines in Macedonia", Forum Folkloristika [http://www.eefc.org/folkloristika_2 - 2.shtml, accessed on 15.06.2014].

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manifest in Macedonia are atavistic in settings increasingly marked by ethno-nationalism and fundamentalism.

Keywords: shrines, sharing, mixing, Muslim, Sufi, Orthodox Christian, ritual, practice, tolerance, antagonism.

Introduction

In the 1980s, when I was conducting field research on sanctuaries in the Jerusalem and Bethlehem areas of Israel and the occupied territories, I was intrigued by the prevalence of places where Muslim Palestinians, together with Christian Palestinians, alone or in small groups, gathered together or visited these places on the occasion of holidays to receive healing and healing. blessings. In investigating such cases and the circumstances surrounding them, I came across not only the inspiring work of the Palestinian ethnographer and folklorist Tawfiq Kanaan (1882-1964), who, in his seminal work "Muslim Holy Sites and Places of Worship in Palestine"1 (1927), described the practices and beliefs common to Muslims and Christians among the Palestinian peasants, but also to work. Uhezlak, who in his work Christianity and Islam under the Sultans 2 (1929) noted the rich diversity of inter-communal relations in religious places in the Balkans and Turkey, and in general within the borders of the then Ottoman Empire. My research, published in 1993 under the title "Nationalization of the Sacred: Sacred Sites and Identity Shifts in the Israeli Occupied Territories", focused on Palestinian material, but later field research in the former Yugoslavia, as well as my collaboration with Robert Hayden in the journal Current Anthropology on the same topic, 3 revived my interest in the problem "sharing " of religious sites and prompted me to consider this issue

1. Canaan, Т. (1927) Mohammedan Saints and Sanctuaries in Palestine. London: Luzac and Company.

2. Hasluck, F.W. (2000) (originally 1929) Christianity and Islam Under the Sultans. Vol. I. Istanbul: The Isis Press.

3. Bowman, G. (2002) "Comment on Robert Hayden's 'AntagonisticTolerance: Competitive Sharing of Religious Sites in South Asia and the Balkans'", Current Anthropology 43 (2): 219 - 220.

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in the comparative aspect. This research is still ongoing, but in this article I would like to return to some of the themes of Muslim-Christian interaction raised by Hazlak, applying them to the current situation in the Balkans and offering some rethinking of their theoretical structure.

Hazluck - like Hayden at first glance-believes that sharing is gradually disappearing over the course of history; his latest work, which analyzes the sharing of holy sites, was published under the title Christian Borrowing in Islam and Vice Versa4. Hayden, in his work "Antagonistic Tolerance: Competitive Sharing of Religious Sites in South Asia and the Balkans" (2002), argues that sharing is nothing more than some preliminary stage aimed at reducing the presence of the other, if not completely displacing it; what is the sharing of holy sites? most likely, "pragmatic adaptation to a situation in which it is not possible to suppress the practices of another group"5. Hazlack's concept of sharing seems similar, as only a stage in the movement towards complete separation or conversion (i.e., conversion to another religion). However, Hazlack's concept can be interpreted differently if viewed in the context of Hazlack's critique of Sir William Ramsay's "survivalism." 6 Ramsay preached a radical anti-historicism, claiming that " in many cases, the binding of religious worship to certain places in Asia Minor was preserved despite all the changes in the dominant religion in the country."7. Hazluck reacted warmly to this statement, which, as Shankland notes, "almost completely denies all subsequent cultures any possibility of creative development of the culture of their predecessors, who filled the earth with a certain amount of energy."

4. Hasluck, F.W.Christianity and Islam under the Sultans. Vol. I, pp. 57 - 132.

5. Hayden, R. (2002) "Antagonistic Tolerance: Competitive Sharing of Religious Sites in South Asia and the Balkans", Current Anthropology 43 (2): 219.

6. Cm. Shankland, D. (2004) "The Life and Times of F. W Hasluck (1878 - 1920)", in Shankland, D. (ed.) Archaeology, Anthropology and Heritage in the Balkans and Anatolia: the Life and Times of F. W. Hasluck, 1878 - 1920, pp. 18 - 23. Istanbul: Isis Press.

7. Ramsay, W (1906) Pauline and Other Studies. London: Hodder and Stoughton, cited in Shankland, D. (2004) "The Life and Times of F. W Hasluck (1878 - 1920)", p. 19.

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eternal sacred meaning"8. Hazlak, throughout his rich ethnographic observations of all kinds of religious sites-from urban churches to springs in rural areas - argued that while many examples can show that Islam in Turkey inherits the material wealth of Christendom, it is extremely rare to say, and it seems unprovable, that this is exactly the case the same was true of the "spiritual"legacy. In the few cases where it can be confirmed, this inherited sanctity seems to owe less to a vague reverence for certain sacred sites than to a desire to enjoy practical benefits, especially the gift of healing associated with the cult of the dead... The traditions of Muslim shrines are equally linked to the cult of the dead ... 9

In other words, as a result of the discussion with Ramsay, Hazlak came to the conclusion that it was necessary to focus on Muslim and Christian interaction in sacred places and to highlight the signs of alienation and appropriation in this interaction. Nevertheless , and this is the first thing that attracted me to his work , the text itself is full of descriptions of amazing moments of Muslim-Christian interaction, which refutes the thesis of antagonism and, on the contrary, demonstrates significant friendliness at the level of popular culture.

My research in this article was equally motivated by my disagreement with Hayden's concept of the disparity of cultures and my desire to describe in more detail the cases of apparent friendliness that I read about in Hazlack's work and that I observed in Map Elyas, Bir es-Sayyedeh, and elsewhere in the province of Bethlehem in Palestine. I clearly understood that "sharing" was not very intensive and, on the contrary, was highly susceptible to influences exerted on adherents by both the respective religious hierarchies and the surrounding political environment.10
8. Shankland, D. (2004) "The Life and Times of F. W Hasluck (1878 - 1920)", p. 20.

9. Hasluck, (2000) Christianity and Islam Under the Sultans. Vol. I, pp.129 and !32.

10. Например, см.: Duijzings, G. (1993) "Pilgrims, Politics, and Ethnicity: Joint Pilgrimages of Muslims and Christians and Conflicts over Ambiguous Sanctuaries in Yugoslavia and Albania", in M. Bax and A. Koster (eds) Power and Prayer. Religious and Political

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But even so, I found it important to focus on the very actions and beliefs that helped maintain communication and cooperation between cultures, rather than on the obvious forces that were destroying those ties. As will be shown later, intercommunal co-existence is seriously threatened by the current dominance of cultural and national essentialism. Nevertheless, it is important to emphasize the very possibility of unity and thus counteract the forces that provoke and legitimize antagonism and intolerance.

Field Description

During my first formal field study in Macedonia in April 200b, I deliberately avoided using the term "shared "in relation to certain sacred sites, replacing it with" mixed". I could not give up the term "sacred place", "shrine" (by which I mean a place associated with a deity, a saint's person, or a relic, usually enclosed or marked by some structure) - otherwise the subject might have expanded to absurd proportions; but the term "shared" had too much meaning. a strong connotation of consent( amity), which I may have exaggerated. I knew that what I had witnessed in Palestine in the mid-1980s - where the enduring signs of Muslim-Christian harmony seemed to reflect not only an awareness of the common habit of two interconnected communities, but also solidarity in the face of Israeli occupation - had been erased in the following twenty years of the separation policy of the Israeli State, the Palestinian authorities and religious leaders (intentionally or unintentionally 11). I knew that in Macedonia, as well as in Palestine, there is a mixed Muslim-Christian community.

Processes in Past and Present, pp. 80 - 91. Amsterdam: VU Press. Также см. Duijzings, G. (2000) Religion and the Politics of Identity in Kosovo. London: C. Hurst & Co.

11. Cm. Bowman, G. (2012) "Nationalizing and Denationalizing the Sacred: Shrines and Shifting Identities in the Israeli-Occupied Territories", in Y. Reiter, M.Breger and L. Hammer (eds) Sacred Space in Israel and Palestine: Religion and Politics, pp. 195 - 227. London and New York: Routledge; Bowman, G. (2013) "Popular Palestinian Practices around Holy Places and Those Who Oppose Them: An Historical Introduction", Religion Compass 7: 69 - 78 [http://dx.doi.org/lo.llll/rec3.12034, accessed 15.06.2014]; Bowman, G. (2013) "A Weeping on the Road to Bethlehem:

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a population that uses, often simultaneously, the same holy sites; I also knew that this country has a diverse confessional composition, that there is a "national minority" (Albanian-speaking Muslims) that recently took part in a nationalist uprising, and a government that only recently abandoned aggressive pro-Orthodox policies. I could not have anticipated the sharing of shrines, but I knew from my previous visit in July 2005 that Muslims visited Orthodox holy sites and that on at least one occasion Orthodox Christians held prayers in an unused mosque. Mixing at a shrine, either simultaneously or in turn, will mean that two or more religious communities are using the same holy site - without making too far-reaching assessments of the extent of such "sharing".

In Macedonia, I chose to explore three different locations - two in Western Macedonia and one in the northeast. The first, Sveti Nikola (Saint Nicholas), is a small Macedonian Orthodox church on the outskirts of Makedonski Brod, a town with approximately six thousand inhabitants (all Christians). This church was chosen because inside it is the turbe (tomb) of one of the Bektashiya order's saints, Khadir Baba. This turbe was visited by members of the bektashiya brotherhood and other Sufi orders, as well as Macedonian-Albanian Sunni Muslims who came not only from nearby mixed villages, but also from more distant places. The second place is Sveta Bogoroditsa Prechista (Holy Mother of God Prechistaya) in the suburb of Kichevo (a mixed city in the region with a Muslim-Christian population). Sveta Bogoroditsa is a large functioning Orthodox monastery. On its territory, inside an impressive 19th-century church, there is a spring with a stone hanging above it with a hole through which parishioners, both Muslims and Christians, squeeze through before taking water from the spring. And finally, the third place is the Husamedin Pasha Mosque ,an empty mosque built in the early XVI century, towering over the city of Stip, which is mostly Orthodox, but has a significant number of Sufi Gypsies (Roma) and Macedonian Muslims.-

Contestation over the Uses of Rachel's Tomb", Religion Compass 7: 79 - 92. [http:// dx.doi.org/lo.llll/rec3.12033, accessed 15.06.2014].

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speaking Sunni Muslims. On the territory of the mosque there is a turban of Sufis from the Halvetiyah order, where urban Sunni Muslims and followers of the Halvetiyah brotherhood celebrate Ashura, and in the mosque itself on August 2, in the presence of an Orthodox priest, a holiday in honor of the Prophet Elijah is celebrated.

Thus, the three sites described represent: a popular mixed sanctuary with both Christian and Muslim objects of worship; a Christian church where both Muslims and Christians gather to perform typically Christian rituals; and a Muslim sanctuary that both groups, Muslims and Christians, seek to "expropriate" in a ritual and physical sense. These three different places allow us to observe what, at least formally, looks like "mixing of practices"," sharing of practices", and" antagonistic tolerance". In the three scenarios described below, I hope to identify the relationships of Orthodox Christians and Muslims that they encounter in or around holy sites, face-to-face, or through other testimonies.

Scenario One: St. John's Church St. Nicholas (Sveti Nikola)

Sveti Nikola is a small Orthodox church hidden in the trees, towering over the town of Makedonski Brod. You approach a long stone staircase that leads the visitor from the old Ottoman-era houses at the foot of the hill, past the concrete residential blocks of the Communist period, to the gate adjacent to the niche on the left with a simple image of St. John the Baptist. St. Nicholas - the paint around the saint's mouth had worn away from constant touching - and topped (at least to a first approximation) with an eight-inch cross framed in a simple metal twisted ornament. The church itself is a small square building (six and a half meters on each side) with an apse in the southern wall, which, judging by the roofing, is obviously a later extension. There is no cross on the roof of the church, but a small cross is carved in the plaster above the narrow window opening of the apse. The interior of the church is simple, with a stone floor covered with many layered carpets.

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The wooden iconostasis is clearly locally made. To the right, parallel to the south wall, inside the church is a flat platform approximately two meters long and three-quarters of a meter wide, raised forty centimeters above the floor and covered with many layers of fabric (green fabric on top, and gold under it). A closer look shows that it is near this platform that the carpets and images lying on the floor and hanging on the wall are Muslim, and they depict Mecca, Ali and Hussein, as well as scenes from Shiite history.

There are two approaches to the study of the Church of Sveti Nikola and its functions as a mixed sanctuary. The first is to deal with its history. This is not easy to do-neither in the temple itself, nor even in the city. When we asked local Christians about the temple, they told the story of how a bearded old man "in ancient times" saved the townspeople from the plague by forcing them to kill a bull, cut its skin into thin strips, tie them together and use the resulting rope to determine as much land for the monastery as the length of the rope would last. Respondents often said that the old man - Sveti Nikola-was buried under the platform in the church. Muslim parishioners told exactly the same story, with the only difference being that, according to their version, the old man was Khadir Baba, a saint of the Bektashiyah order, buried in a turban in the church.

Another story tells of a local pasha who, in Ottoman times, discovered that all the structures built during the day for the house he wanted to build at the foot of the hill were destroyed by the evening. Then he had a dream, depending on who is telling the story, of a Christian saint or Saint bektashiya, who told him to build a monastery (tekke-Sufi monastery) on top of a hill. When he did, he was able to finish his house, which still stands at the bottom of the stairs. Makedonski Brod is now a fully Christian town, and locals both inside and outside the church speak of it as if it has always been so. However, a local historian, a former communist and anti-cleric, talking to us in the city (but not in the church), said that before the Balkan wars of the early 20th century, Makedonski Brod was the center of the Ottoman administration known as Tekkia, precisely because of the Bektashiya monastery built above the city. This version of the story, which suggests that the church of Sveti Nikola is actually the turbe of the founder Tekke Bektashiya, is confirmed by an archaeological note in the museum's newsletter.

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Skopje, which states that "now only a turbe can be seen in this place, in which, according to local residents, the founder of Tekke Haidar Baba was buried" 12.

Other stories in the city-not on the territory of Sveti Nikola-have led to references to the fact that the building was consecrated as a church in 1994 by a local bishop and the removal of the" once upon a time " triangular frame that had been on the tomb of St. Nicholas for many years. In this case, it seems clear that Sveti Nikola was at some point the central structure of the Bektashiya monastery, namely the tomb of the founder, and that due to the withdrawal of the Turks from the city after the Balkan Wars and during the long period of state denial of the official religion after 1945, it towered over the city, devoid of any sacred functions, and It was perceived by each community in its own way - until, in the nationalist fervor that followed the collapse of Yugoslavia and the formation of "Orthodox" Macedonia, the Church expropriated it.

Thus, the diachronic analysis shows an inexorable movement towards the expropriation of this place by one of the communities that now obviously owns it. Another way to explore Sveti Nikola is to explore relationships in the sanctuary as they are currently developing. Such a perspective, which does not negate the historical perspective, offers insight into the essence of interaction between communities, which would remain invisible with a "teleological" approach. I would like to offer here two examples that point, respectively, to the symbiosis that occurs when" sharing " a sacred place, and to some of the forces that destroy this symbiosis.

Dragina is an Orthodox caretaker of the Sveti Nikola Church. As she gets older, her son Bozh, who works as a schoolteacher in the city, and other men who make up the "church committee"help her keep the temple clean and operational. On the fifth of May, the eve of the Orthodox feast of St. George, Dragina, Bozh and those who have time to help prepare the church for a "pilgrimage" so that it can fulfill the role that local residents assign it during the holiday.

12. Stojanovski, A. (1979) "One Legend Affirmed", Newsletter of the History Museum of Macedonia 4: 53.

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Preparations include making the church look as little as possible like a mosque and as much as possible like an Orthodox church, so that carpets are removed from the floor and various Muslim images and objects are hidden from the eyes of visitors 13. Green" Muslim " candles made of ox fat and Muslim prayer beads (sibhah), which parishioners use for blessing (there are also those in Sveta Bogoroditsa), are removed from the" tomb "of St. Nicholas, and in their place are placed white "Christian" candles and a smaller rosary. Thus, the "Christianized" place is ready to be visited on the same evening and the next day by hundreds of visitors, among whom almost all - with a few exceptions-are Orthodox. At dawn on the seventh, however, Dragina and Bozh are busy "restoring" the church's appearance to its normal syncretic state. The carpets are carefully placed in their proper places, and there is a long debate about where exactly the image of Ali with his sword Zulfiqar should hang, and how to arrange the partially covering fabric.

Prayer mats are spread around the turban, the Muslim rosary beads are put back in place and the old candles are lit, because soon "they" will come, and "they" should feel at home. Of course, there is an economic component: "they" - "others" leave generous gifts, and "we use them," says Dragina. However, the welcome she gives visitors and the casual generosity with which she and others, including the priest, distribute colored eggs on St. George's and fill bottles of water to Muslim parishioners belie the purely economic interpretation. Muslim women ask Dragina to hold a rosary over them for blessing, and when a respected Sufi dervish from Kichevo comes to the temple (praying with his wife in front of the iconostasis, not at the turban), Dragina, concerned about the unsuccessful priests-

13. Initially, these objects and images were hidden behind the iconostasis on the floor of the apse, but during the period of approaching the feast, I noticed that someone (probably a parishioner from the bektashiya brotherhood) hung them on the eastern wall of the apse among the icons surrounding the altar, and a green sibhah with ninety-nine beads-on the altar. They remained there until the city priest, who had apparently ignored them in the apse the day before, removed them on the morning of the feast day before the celebration of the Liturgy and placed them back on the floor, turning the images to face the wall.

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tami his son to find a wife, asks him to hold a rosary over the head to find out his fate

While the description given above speaks to the ease of sharing a sacred site and the institutional and personal openness of Orthodox custodians to the presence of Muslim "others," subsequent observations indicate how without the intervention of "higher" forces, this sharing can cease. When we visited the church a week before St. George's Day, there was a small metal cross on the gate leading to the church grounds, framed with a twisted ornament. When I interviewed the people gathered in the church, I asked why the cross was not on the church itself. One person responded rather aggressively: "I'll show you the cross!"and left. Twenty minutes later, he returned with a gleaming two-meter-high gold-plated aluminum cross. It turned out that it was a gift that he, as a guest worker who returned to his hometown for a vacation, gave to the church 14. A week later, the small cross on the gate was removed and put aside, and in its place a gilded cross was welded, which now began to tower over the entrance and the icon of St. Nicholas. The day after St. George's Day, an Albanian-speaking man and his wife came to Sveti Nikola to pray at the turbe, leave gifts and take water from the church. They were clearly uncomfortable, and when the woman left quickly, going down the stairs to her car, the man stayed and insisted on talking to me as a foreigner about the "insult" that this cross over the gate was inflicting on them. He told me that it was a Muslim holy site and that the locals had no right to erect a cross on a site that "has been Muslim for centuries." I asked him what form of Islam he practiced, and he said: "It doesn't matter - I'm a Muslim." Elizaveta Koneshka and I suggested that he talk to the members of the church committee who had gathered nearby to discuss this problem, and he approached them; out of politeness, he spoke approvingly of who had made this generous gift to the church, but he suggested that it would be better,

14. Another rich migrant, who comes from Australia every year for a summer vacation, gave the city a ten-meter cross, which is now many throughout Macedonia, erected on a hill above the city.

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if only someone who wanted to give a gift to the church had helped repair the road instead:

This cross divides us; no Muslim will feel comfortable coming to this important historical site that we are used to visiting. We came here for many years and felt good here, but this cross is a barrier for us... How would you feel if I came to your church, to your home, and built a minaret in it? I will never make a mosque out of a church.

They conciliatingly replied that they understood the problem and would talk to the person who bought the cross and who was not among them at the time (although he belongs to their group). After the Albanian man left, everyone in the group was clearly confused. They recognized the problem, but didn't know how to solve it.

Second scenario: St. the Most Pure Theotokos (Sveta Bogoroditsa Prechista)

Sveta Bogoroditsa Prechista is an Orthodox monastery, but this fact does not prevent the incessant flow of Muslims, both Sunnis and Sufis, from coming to the church (they say that the previously mentioned Albanian-speaking person is a frequent visitor here). Muslims walk around the richly decorated church, trying to squeeze three times through the small aisle under the icons of Mary and Jesus and take water home from a nearby spring. The Muslim parishioners of Sveti Nikola sometimes say that they come for healing, but still their main goal is to honor the saint, because they had a connection with Khadir Baba, or he called them to him in a dream. As for the visitors of Sveta Bogoroditsa, both Muslims and Christians, they definitely come here for healing. This sacred place (or perhaps spring water) is known for its properties to relieve infertility, restore the mind of madmen, straighten the limbs, and it also has other miraculous properties. Even the imam of the central mosque in nearby Kichevo sends his parishioners to Sveta Bogoroditsa if he believes that they are possessed by "Christian demons" that can only be exorcised with the help of beneficial Christian forces.

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While in Sveti Nikola, Muslim parishioners pray in the Muslim way 15 near the tomb, which they consider to be the burial of Khadir Bab, and not St. Nicholas. St. Nicholas, in Sveta Bogoroditsa, Muslims apparently perform the same rites as many Christian parishioners of this church. Like Christians, Muslims light candles and move around the church, approaching icons, especially those that hang on the iconostasis, and leaving small gifts in front of them (sometimes money, often towels or new items of clothing in a package, such as socks or shirts). Then Muslims, as well as Christians, go to the left rear of the church, where the icon "Bright Friday" (Easter Friday), associated with the story of Christ's healing of the paralytic in the pool of Siloam (John 5: 8-10), hangs, and under the icon there is a hole made in the wall. To the left of the icon hangs a long string of rosaries with engraved crosses (the abbess claims that the rosary was left over from her Russian predecessor), which is carried three times over the worshippers, after which they, also three times, climb through the hole in the wall in the direction of the western wall. After that, they take (or are given) water drawn from a spring located below, which they wash their faces with three times, and take the rest home, where they drink it themselves or give it to the sick (when the water runs out, the disease returns, and people come to get water again). Some parishioners, both Muslims and Christians, decide to stay in the monastery, where they perform various works, and receive healing from their stay in it (the old house near the gate to the monastery used to be used for keeping mentally ill people in it - it was believed that such imprisonment contributes to their healing).

When we observed Muslim parishioners more closely and interviewed them, we found that, despite their apparent adherence to Christian ritual practices, they were adept at masking small but significant differences by separating themselves from groups of Christians as they moved around the church. When worshipping icons, most do not kiss

15. However, there is no uniform style in Muslim prayer practices; some bow in prayer before the iconostasis, others at the turban, standing at its base, and still others perform dhikr (religious choral chant of Islamic texts), during which the singers kneel at each corner of the platform. Most Muslim parishioners, as well as Christians, walk around the turbe from one to three times.

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they do not cross themselves; and when they pray, they say the Muslim prayers softly and keep their hands open, palms up, unlike the closed palms of Christians. However, they do not hesitate to recognize that the forces they worship are Christian; they believe that this place is a healing shrine that is known to be effective, and therefore, if someone is sick or needs help, it is one of the first places to go. go (many of the people we talked to, both Muslim and Christian, said that they visited various places, both Muslim and Christian, in search of healing from diseases, getting rid of infertility, etc.). Here you can see a curious practical logic. People who visit places known for their miraculous properties (especially the power of healing), as far as possible, follow rituals that correspond to the powers of this place, but without clearly violating the precepts of their own religion (as we have already said, most Muslims never get baptized). Believing that sanctuary visits and related rituals are effective, they repeat the actions of their neighbors as much as possible, without "harming themselves" - in the hope that such copying will bring them the same effect, regardless of religious differences. This situation is not syncretism, since there is no identity transformation; it is sharing. In addition, it is recognized and legitimized as such by religious leaders (perhaps because they know that people will do it regardless of their approval), such as the imam from the mosque in Kichevo, if he himself does not even think of crossing the threshold of a sacred place of another religion.

In a nearby Orthodox church, a priest told us that many local Muslims (the local population is half Muslim and half Christian) come to church not only for holy water or for a blessing, but also, for example, when a Christian man who converted to Islam in order to marry a Muslim woman, nevertheless wanted to baptize their child is 16; or when Muslims want to have consecrated icons in their home. The priest conducts a special service for Muslims

16. The priest noted that, according to church law, both parents should be baptized, but they still baptize such children "so as not to harm the marital union of a married couple".

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worship - this is prescribed in the prayer books for the unbaptized - and instead of covering the stole of their head, holds it in front of them.

Such a special "space" for the unbaptized and non-Orthodox found an interesting reflection in the tradition and architecture of the Light of the Virgin Most Pure. The abbess of the monastery told us how "a long time ago" the abbot of the monastery and the pasha argued about the correctness of Christianity and Islam. They decided to test whose faith is more correct by filling glasses with water and throwing them from the balcony from a height of five meters. The pasha's glass broke, but the abbot's glass remained intact, and no water spilled from it. Seeing this, the pasha decided to give the monastery one hundred and twenty hectares of land near the Ford, and the abbot, as a sign of gratitude, promised that he would set aside part of the church specifically for Muslims.17 Despite the fact that the current abbess claims that although the western vestibule was not "intended" for Muslims, it is a part of the church where "they can come". It is not clear what the abbess meant by this, since even a cursory observation was sufficient to show that Muslims were moving throughout the church; however, this part of the church, like the same part in the prayer book, was considered more "suitable" for non-Christians. The "sharing" that occurs in this church is vulnerable precisely because of this place, which is designated as open to others. Although we have never heard this from any of the Muslims interviewed in Sveta Bogoroditsa, one of the nuns, a new novice who recently graduated from the University of Skopje, eagerly told us that "Muslims" consider this part of the church to belong to them and that they want to" steal " it from the church. When Muslim parishioners asked her to give them water, she said either that there was no water, or that they could draw it themselves from a spring outside.

Third scenario: Husamedin Pasha Mosque

While in the previous two scenarios, we observed forms of mixing and forms of sharing (mixing and sharing), which are equally at risk of being

17. Is there any truth in this legend, or was it invented to explain an architectural anomaly, but the western narthex of the church is not decorated, this is the only part of the church that is not decorated with luxurious frescoes.

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In the third case - the case of Husamedin Pasha-we are faced with a situation in which there is no mixing, and we are talking about the use of space by different communities at different times.

The mosque, now quite abandoned, was one of the" central " mosques of the early 16th century, severely damaged during the Balkan Wars, but still functioned as a mosque for the Muslim minority until 1945, when it was closed. At that time, the local Halvetiya Sufi community, an order very close to Orthodox Sunnism, began celebrating the Ashura festival on the grounds of the mosque where the Medin Baba turbe is located. In 1953, the mosque was reconstructed as a secular space and used as an exhibition space for the Stipa Museum. The museum was closed in 1956, and since then the mosque has been largely unused, although for some time the Macedonian non-governmental organization Embassy of Children, founded in 1992, has organized events in and around the building. At the same time, presumably due to the intervention of the government of the Democratic Party of Macedonian National Unity, access to the mosque was allowed for the local Orthodox Church, which began to celebrate the Day of the Prophet Elijah inside the mosque. This celebration was based on the belief-although it has no firm confirmation - that the original mosque was built on the site of an Orthodox church. During the celebration, a liturgy with icons placed in the mihrab is held in the interior of the mosque, followed by a communal meal. During the year, Christians also light candles and paint crosses on the exterior walls of the mosque. Until recently, even local Muslim followers of the Halvetiya Brotherhood called the mosque "the Church of St. John the Baptist". Elijah", although it is unclear how long ago this practice appeared.

Recently, the Islamic community, which has been boosted by significant financial donations from the Stipe Muslim diaspora in Turkey and other Islamic sources, has significantly revived, not only by restoring the only functioning mosque in the city, but also by building an Islamic school. A group of people who participated in the Ashura celebrations at the Husamedin Pasha Mosque also discussed the possibility of restoring this mosque as a central one. The community received a document issued by the Macedonian Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments stating that

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the mosque is a protected monument (which in their interpretation meant that the mosque belongs to them as a corresponding cultural minority), and then they stopped calling this place the Church of St. John the Baptist. Elijah, and they began to treat it as the Husamedin Pasha Mosque. One member of this movement, whom we interviewed in April 2006, told us that the Christian rites performed in the mosque "do not correspond to this place of worship." A year earlier, he and a friend were passing by and, afraid to go inside the mosque, saw through the door how "Christians were eating and drinking raki (fruit vodka) at a table set up in the center." However, he claimed that when the mosque returned to its true function, he would "share it with Christians on the days when they want to use it."

We also talked to a priest from St. Nicholas Church, the main city church, who told us that the Sveti Elijah (mosque) was built on the site of the foundation of the destroyed church, which follows from the cross-shaped shape of the mosque (in a mosque, it is impossible, even with the wildest imagination, to make out the shape of the cross; it is square, and according to the cultural For example, it is "a typical sacred architectural structure of the Ottoman period at the beginning of the XVI century" 18). The priest told us that according to the construction plan, it was a church, but when the Ottoman Turks came, they turned it into a mosque. But in the foundation it is still a church. We want to make it a church again, but they don't give us permission from Skopje. Otherwise, it would be a church by now. Now we don't know what it is anymore: it's neither. We want it to be a church, and we will make it a church. We ask for permission to dig and see what they show, but they know there's a church foundation there, so they won't give us permission. It will be a church. Why should it be a mosque? They already have one.

For him, the mosque is nothing more than a historical layer that blocks access to the real holy place, located in the heart of the city.

18. Heritage, A. (2005) Component С: Preliminary Technical Evaluation of the Architectural and Archaeological Heritage. Vol. I, p. 170. Skopje.

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there are 19 below it, and the service that is being held there is actually held as if there was no Muslim invasion:

During the service, a prayer is read, the bread panagia [prosphora, or bread with the seal of the holy image, which is raised during the liturgy] is raised... Anointing is performed outside the church, and on the second day, in the morning, a liturgy is held in the church.

When (and if) the Orthodox clergy, who are influential in Stipe, persuade the government to allow them to carry out archaeological excavations, which, in their opinion, will give grounds for the" restoration " of the church, then the Husamedin Pasha mosque can be demolished and a "new and more beautiful ancient church"built in its place.20
In February 2006, members of the Macedonian Romani community (Roma,), mostly made up of followers of the Halvetiya Sufi brotherhood, were unofficially allowed temporary access to the mosque during preparations for the Ashura festival at Turbe Medin Baba. These Muslims, who as a community had not had access to the mosque since its closure in 1945, removed the accumulated stone debris from the mosque (leaving Orthodox ritual utensils, including icons of St. Elijah, in place - in the niche where they are stored between holidays), swept and washed them, and laid them on the ground. the floor is carpeted. Then they, together with members of the Muslim religious community of Stipa, whom they notified by mobile phone, performed namaz (prayer) in the mosque, after which the official delegation of Sunnis left

19. Since Islam historically follows Christianity, and since, accordingly, Islamic thought corrects and clarifies the Christian interpretation of revelation, Muslims can visit Christian places that, although associated with an imperfect interpretation, are still based on revelation. For Christians, Islam is a heresy or deviation, and therefore visiting Muslim places is actually blasphemy. Therefore, as Hazlak notes, " a mosque, if it was not once a church (or if there is at least no such assumption), almost never turns into a church." Hasluck, F. W (2000) Christianity and Islam Under the Sultans. Vol. I, p. 104.

20. Here I refer to a story told to me by a UN peacekeeper who recalled a member of a Serbian military formation who, when accused of destroying the "beautiful and ancient old center" of a Bosnian city, replied: "But we will build a new and more beautiful ancient old center in its place." Bowman, G. (1994) "Xenophobia, Fantasy and the Nation: the Logic of Ethnic Violence in Former Yugoslavia", in V. Goddard, L. Josep and C. Shore (eds) Anthropology of Europe: Identity and Boundaries in Conflict, p. 159. Oxford: Berg Press.

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the place, and the brotherhood members spent their Ashura festival inside the mosque. At this time, the key to the building, which was usually kept by the caretaker of the Stip museum, disappeared.

This was not thought of until the day before the feast of the Prophet Elijah (August 2, 2006), when local Christians gathered for two days of celebrations and began setting up their own stalls selling treats and candles outside the mosque, and then it was discovered that a second lock was now welded to the door of the mosque. Late in the evening, a priest arrived from the Church of St. John the Baptist. St. Nicholas was preparing the interior of the mosque for the panagia and Saint's Day liturgy, when it turned out that none of the people present had the key to the second lock and that the lock had been hung by an organization called the Islamic Religious Community; when contacted, the latter refused to remove the lock, saying that the lock had been removed. that this place is a mosque and belongs to them. Amid mutual recriminations and claims that the festival has been held in this place since time immemorial, the anointing was performed on the portico, while parishioners leaned candles against the doors and placed flowers and small gifts of cloth under them. The next morning, the priest did not attend the liturgy, and throughout the day, local residents came, prayed at locked doors, and left dissatisfied.

Conclusion: Multi-confessional and mixed nature in the Orthodox environment

In the three cases described above, I drew attention to the border between Orthodox Christians and their Muslim neighbors and considered how in a multi-confessional society these borders are strengthened, revealed or overcome. I would place special emphasis on multiconfessionalism here, because in Macedonia - as in Palestine, but unlike in Greece-close proximity to non-Orthodox communities strongly influences the way Orthodox Christians and Orthodox institutions treat non-Orthodox people. Not only are laypeople who are used to interacting with people of different religious beliefs in various situations less prone to xenophobia (literally "fear of strangers and foreigners"), but even religious authorities have difficulties in applying the concept of ritual purity in places where beliefs and practices of heterogeneous populations intersect. That's not to mention the fact that

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steps to smooth out differences and ensure the uniformity of sacred sites and communities are not being taken at present and are not expected in the future: the fate of much of the former Yugoslavia, as well as Greece and Turkey at the beginning of the XX century21, demonstrates the fragility of inter-communal ties. However, where intercommunal mixing still persists, it is important to trace and note how it occurs, and to examine the structure of beliefs and practices that facilitate this interaction.

In conclusion, I would like to discuss how the Macedonian Orthodox laity and their clergy feel about the presence of Muslims in sacred places that they consider their own. Of course, the Orthodox priest from Stipa directly demonstrates denial and rejection towards Muslims in the Husamedin Pasha Mosque. His attitude, whether shared or not by Stipe's laity, is consistent with the theological attitude. In Christian doctrine, Muslims are considered followers of the false prophet and thus ontologically are either heretics or do not exist at all. In the religious context of the "Church of Sveti Ilia", traces of the presence of Muslims are erased, both in the mind (the mosque, in contrast to the facts, "is a church") and physically-in attempts to block Muslims from accessing the Husamedin Pasha Mosque. In addition, there is also a sur text: the second of August is not only the day of the feast of the prophet Elijah according to the Orthodox calendar, it is also the day of the anniversary of the Ilinden uprising of 1903, during which the internal Macedonian revolutionary organization led a revolt against the power of the Ottoman Empire, which, although quickly suppressed, served to create a provisional government in three regions and the proclamation of the Krushev Republic, which later became a symbol of Yugoslav and then Macedonian nationalism.22 The occupation of a dilapidated mosque by Christians and the displacement of the Muslims who used it means a victory for Orthodox Macedonians over their Muslim oppressors. It is this echo of history that supposedly not only provoked the expropriation of the Husamedin Mosque

21. Clark, В. (2006) Twice a Stranger: How Mass Expulsion Forged Modern Greece and Turkey. London: Granta.

22. Cm. Brown, K. (2003) The Past in Question: Modern Macedonia and the Uncertainties of Nation, p. 1 - 21. Princeton: Princeton University Press; Poulton, H. (2000) Who Are the Macedonians? pp. 48 - 62. London: Hurst and Company.

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Pasha is an Orthodox church supported by the Macedonian nationalist government, but also led the priest to believe, perhaps correctly, that after some time the current government will stop making concessions to the Muslim Macedonian population and allow the symbol of the past Muslim rule over Christians to be completely erased. The only response that the Muslim community had in the face of such a position of the Orthodox is an attempt to re - appropriate this place as belonging only to them. This turns Husamedin Pasha into a powder keg, threatening an outbreak of serious violence between Muslims and Christians not only in Stipa, but potentially elsewhere. The fact that, as a result of the incident described, the Stipa Islamic Religious community invited Arben Jaferi, leader of the Democratic Albanian Party, to visit the city and consider the issue of the Husamedin Pasha Mosque, indicates the potential development of this confrontation in Muslim-Christian relations in Macedonia; it should be taken into account that the Stipa Muslims are neither Albanians nor Sunnis.

The second possible reaction is illustrated by the actions of the abbess of the Monastery of Sveta Bogoroditsa Prechista and the priests of the nearby church. If for the Shtip priest the mosque should become - both in space and in time - completely Christian, then for the abbess of the monastery and the church priests, Christians and Muslims can coexist independently of each other, performing parallel religious rites in adjacent spaces of holy places. The narthex of the church, which in early Christian church architecture was intended for new converts and the unbaptized (that is, those who are not members of the community), becomes a "place" for Muslims; the general service for the unbaptized replaces certain daily prayers said for Orthodox Christians; and the priest holds the stole in front of Muslims without covering their heads with it. However, these distinctive rules and rites are observed more in theory than in practice: the abbess, who claims that Muslim church visits are limited to the church vestibule, knows that in reality they move around the entire space of the church; and similarly, the priest, who claims that various services are held for Muslims and Christians.

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the service, however, baptizes the child of an Orthodox man who converted to Islam in order to marry a Muslim woman 23.

The Orthodox theology of the icon, so important for faith and practice, provides the key to understanding this apparent contradiction. In Orthodoxy, the original sin of Adam and Eve - that they chose this world over the Creator-created a gap between the fallen world and the divine. This gap can be bridged with the help of various sacras, among which the icon is considered the primary 24, but which also includes the liturgy and the churches themselves, where icons are present and liturgies are held. The foundation of the relationship with these sacras is faith. As I have learned from conversations with numerous people I have interviewed over many years of working with Orthodox communities, an unbeliever looking at an icon will see no more than an image painted on wood, while a believer looking at an icon will see a saint looking at him or her.25 In this sense, Muslims, when they move around the church, approach the icons and perform seemingly identical rituals, but still are not in the same space as Christians; an Orthodox Christian stands here at the gate to paradise, looking inside, while a Muslim remains trapped in the materiality of this world. This "inclusive exclusion" does not prevent Orthodox priests from welcoming the presence of Muslims and even profiting from it; thus, the Abbess of Sveta Bogoroditsa spoke to me at length about how

23. I discussed with the Greek anthropologist Rene Hirschkon whether Orthodox priests could baptize Muslims. The example of Kichevo, like the case in Beit Sahur when the sick child of a Muslim merchant was baptized in Khadr, has led me to believe that while in mixed communities priests can find ways to make exceptions, in homogenous communities the rules of the church are much more strictly enforced.

24. " The first and most important function of an icon is to establish a link between the worshipper and the world of grace... The icon is an integral part of the liturgy, which serves as a "symbol" that reveals the divine presence to the faithful and unites the heavenly and earthly churches." Galavaris, G. (1981) "The Icon in the Life of the Church", Iconography of Religions XXIV (8): p. 5; см. также Ouspensky, L. (1978) Theology of the Icon. Crestwood, New York: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press.

25. Bowman, G. (1991) "Christian Ideology and the Image of a Holy Land: the Place of Jerusalem Pilgrimage in the Various Christianities", in J. Eade and M.Sallnow (eds) Contesting the Sacred: the Anthropology of Christian Pilgrimage, pp. 103 - 104 and 108 - 112. London: Routledge.

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she came to love the Muslims, as she appreciates their integrity, as well as their dedication and generosity towards the monastery. Their virtues, however, belonged more to this world, and the Abbess's appreciation was neighborly and pragmatic; when it came to the point, Muslims and Christians did not overlap in any way.

Orthodoxy seems much more situational in Sveti Nikola. The preparation of the church for the feast of St. George definitely points to this tendency to portray shared space as "truly Christian" during the holidays. However, perhaps more significant is how, as a result of this cleaning of the temple, religious images of bektashiya (Ali and the tombs of Sufi saints) are placed around the altar and above it behind the iconostasis (that is, in the most sacred place of the church), and Muslim rosaries are placed on the throne. Despite the frequent presence of the priest and members of the Church Committee in the apse for twenty-four hours after all these objects were laid out, they were not removed until the liturgy began, which is believed to turn the space behind the iconostasis into a symbol of paradise. A similar situational consecration was also performed by the bab (heads of the community) bektashiyah and halvetiyah, who, before inviting their companions for prayer, asked everyone to leave the building, closed the door and performed a preparatory ritual (hidden from outsiders). While such an alternation of sacred and secular elements serves to free the Christian liturgy from the Muslim elements present in the church, at the level of popular religion, the line between Christian and Muslim practices seemed much more blurred. Orthodox Christians, watching Sufi parishioners circle the turbe for blessings, followed this ritual themselves, believing that they were asking for the blessing of St. Nicholas, and not Khadir Bab. Similarly, Muslims, like Christians, prayed at the iconostasis, and not at the Khadir Baba turbe. Charles Stewart, in his fascinating study of the exoticism of folk beliefs on the Greek island of Naxos, 26 shows how "dogmatic religion borrows local concepts and appropriates them as its own."

26. Stewart, С. (1991) Demons and the Devil: Moral Imagination in Modern Greek Culture. Princeton Modern Greek Studies. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press.

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It also demonstrates how the Islanders, for their part, formulate their responses to their own troubles and misfortunes, appropriating elements of Orthodox Christianity and translating them into popular beliefs, beliefs and practices that correspond to specific needs and situations. Stewart points out that on Naxos, both dogmatic and folk religions are profoundly "Greek":

It is possible that in Greek culture, where the Orthodox tradition has been developed for centuries by the Church Fathers, many of whom were themselves members of the Greek-speaking society and came from local Greek communities, it is quite possible to expect a correspondence between dogmatic and local religion.28
The people of Naxos use Orthodox forms and elements when creating their spells and superstitions, because they are suitable for everyday life. Macedonians use Christian and Muslim material for the same reason when creating their own methods of healing and divination.29 In Macedonia, where different communities collide in everyday life and occasionally meet in places considered holy, the practices of those who are considered successful by local residents are used to communicate with the "forces" 30. In mixed communities and mixed holy places, Orthodox Christians reproduce not only the actions of priests and other Christians, but also the actions of Muslims if "Orthodox" practices are ineffective. Dragina, who gets old and sees,

27. Ibid., p.244-

28. Ibid.

29. О некоторых теоретических размышлениях по поводу contextual mixing см. Bowman, G. (2014) "Grounds for Sharing - Occasions for Conflict: An Inquiry into the Social Foundations of Cohabitation and Antagonism", in R. Bryant (ed.) Shared Spaces and Their Dissolution: Practices of Coexistence in Cyprus and Elsewhere. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press (Forthcoming).

30. M. Moss, in his work on "body techniques", speaks about the most important role of "authoritative imitation" in the process of introduction to culture: "Both the child and the adult imitate the actions of those people who, according to his observations, successfully commit them, whom they trust, whose authority they recognize." Mauss, M. (1979) (orig-1935) "Body Techniques", in Mauss, M. Sociology and Psychology: Essays, p. 101. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. In a rural post-socialist community, the Orthodox clergy do not necessarily have such trust and authority.

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that her son could not, despite her prayers, find a wife, and was not uncomfortable asking a famous Sufi dervish to do for Him what he had already done for many other people. Here orthodox (Orthodox) Christianity appeals to heterodoxy, and we clearly see sharing. However, whether we will be able to observe this phenomenon in the future is a difficult question.

Translated from English by Elena Bondal

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