Ksenia Trofimova

Constructing Holy Spaces in Multicultural Milieu: the Case of "Zajde Basce" Shrine in Nish (Serbia)

Ksenia Trofimova - Junior Research Fellow, Department of Philosophy of Culture, Institute of Philosophy, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, kptrofimova@gmail.com

The culture of neighborhood with all its details that make up the cultural mosaic of the Balkans is manifested at the level of popular religiosity, in particular, in the cases of mixed pilgrimages and popular shrines with shared practices. Such interaction between communities belonging to different cultural and religious traditions may assume various forms and patterns. This paper focuses on one such example, a holy site of mixed devotion by Muslims and Christians, the shrine Zajde Basce in Nish, which keeps the traditional practice qfziyarat in the changing social and cultural environment. The main role in maintaining this tradition is played by the local Roma minority. Recently the shrine went through certain changes: the common old narrative about the Muslim nature of the cult was complemented by another one, with a clear multicultural emphasis. The study of narratives, the site's architectonics and the co-practices of visitors help to understand the correlation between competing discourses and draw patterns of interreligious interaction.

Keywords: shared shrines, pilgrimage, Christianity, Islam, popular religiosity, Balkans, Roma.

RELIGIOUS culture in the Balkans is characterized by pluralism at both the formal (confessional) and national (non-confessional) levels. The religious situation in the Balkans can be likened to a motley one

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a mosaic made up of elements of different sizes and shapes. Such a picture of religious everyday life is associated with the historically determined ethno-confessional diversity of the region. A natural consequence of this is a developed neighborhood culture, which is of interest, given its importance for the current socio-political processes in the region. Neighborhood culture as a "modus vivendi of everyday co-existence" 1 includes a number of levels, from which the level of everyday religiosity attracts our attention.

In this context, at the beginning of the 20th century, researchers came to the attention of the phenomenon of "mixed pilgrimages", which is common in the Balkans.2 In recent decades, the topic of mixed cults has once again become the focus of specialists ' attention. 3
For the last five years, we have been studying the peculiarities of the religious culture of the Roma As one of the most significant ethnic and cultural minorities of the Balkans, the authors identified the specifics of the content of their folk religious traditions and the vectors of their changes. The object of our research was the ideas and practices of the Roma (Arlia, Gurbety) in the border regions of Southern Serbia, Macedonia and Kosovo, which historically represent the area of residence and internal migration

1. Valtchinova, G. (2012) "The Mount of the Cross: Sharing and Contesting Barriers on a Balkan Pilgrimage Site" in Diogini Albera, Mari Couroucli (ed.) Sharing Sacred Spaces in the Mediterranean. Christians, Muslims and Jews at Shrines and Sanctuaries. Bloomington-Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.

2. Hasluck, F. W. (1929) Christianity and Islam under the Sultans. Vol. 1, 2. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Volume 2. Beograd: Prosveta Publ., 1984; Borbevichy T. Nash narodni zhivot [Our people's belly]. Volume 3. Beograd: Prosveta Publ., 1984; Filipovih M. S. Obichaji i verovanija u Skopskoj kotlini. Српски етнографски зборник. Kniga LIV. Other clothes. Београд, 1939; Вражиновски Т. Народна традициjа. Religija. Sculpture. Скопjе: Матица Македонска. 1999; Popovic, A. (1996) "Morts des saints et tombeaux miraculeux chez les derviches des Balkans", in Les Ottomans Et la Mort: Permanences Et Mutations. Sous la direction de Gilles Veinstein. E. J. Brill.

3. Например: Dujzingz, G. (2000) Religion and the Politics of Identity in Kosovo. London: Hurst; Hayden, R. M. (2002) "Antagonistic Tolerance: Competitive Sharing of Religious Sites in South Asia and the Balkans", in Current Anthropology 43 (2): 205 - 231; Albera, D. and Couroucli, M. (2012) (ed.) Sharing Sacred Spaces in the Mediterranean. Christians, Muslims and Jews at Shrines and Sanctuaries. Bloomington-Indianapolis: Indiana University Press; Belaj, M. (2012) Milijuni na putu. Antropologija hodocasca i suetlo tlo Medugorja. Zagreb: Jesenski I Turk; Radishevic-Ciparizovic, D. (2010) (ed.) Pilgrimages, Cult Places and Religious Tourism. Nis: JUNIR. See also the articles by G. Bauman and D. Radislavlevich-Chiparizovich in this issue of the journal.

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different groups of Roma who profess Islam and Christianity. This conventionally designated cultural area is also interesting because it contains numerous Sufi spiritual centers, which determine the uniqueness of the religious map of this region4. Interspersed Sufi traditions can be traced in the religious beliefs and rituals of local communities of Romani Muslims at the level of local forms (adat).

Romani Muslim culture includes a layer of folk beliefs and practices that are organically intertwined with" traditional " Islam for these regions. In this regard, our attention was drawn to the widespread practice of visiting the tombs of Muslim saints (turbe5) and honoring these places as sacred (tekia6). It should be noted that these tombs often served as unique local centers of religious activity. Given their significance in the past, we were interested to consider how the status of these places and related sites is preserved and transformed.

4.Biegman, N. (2009) hiving Sufism: Rituals in the Middle East and the Balkans are among the most important works covering the history and development of Sufism in the Balkans. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press; Norris, H.T. (1993) Islam in the Balkans: Religion and Society between Europe and the Arab world. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press; Popovic, A. (2002) "Les confreries mystiques musulmanes dans les Balkans", in Communication presentee au Colloque international "Le role su Soufisme et des confreries musulmanes dans l'islam contemporain. Une alternative a l'islam politique?" Turin, 20 - 21 - 22 novembre 2002; Popovic, A. (1994) Les Derviches Balkaniques hier and aujourd'hui. Istanbul: Isis and other works of the author; Etnologiya na sufitskite ordeni-teoriya i praktika. Съдбата на мюсюлманските общности на Балканите. Vol. VIII., Const. by A. Zhelyazkov and J. Nielsen. Sofia: IMIR, 2001.

5. Turbe (tilrbe - tour.), turbet - tomb-mausoleum, typical of the Ottoman funerary architecture. The construction of a turban at the burial site was usually awarded to notable citizens, as well as spiritual leaders and people revered as awliyas ("saints", singular - vali), shaheeds (in the narrow sense understood as soldiers who died on the battlefield, innocently killed, or died under certain circumstances: Along with graves in the classical sense, places marked, according to beliefs, by the "presence" of the saint and concentrating special properties, symbolic turbe - cenotaphs can also be formed.

6. Tekija-a token that denotes a sacred place. At the present stage, this naming is more common in regions that retain a multiethnic and multicultural structure. Sufi zawiyas, mazars (turbe), natural loci, but also churches and monasteries are collectively referred to as "tekia"/"techa" (tekija - Serbian, horv., boen./ teqeja-alb.). Despite the fact that the concept of tekiya includes the designation of abodes of Sufi fraternities( tekke-tur.), in this work we deliberately separate these names.

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They are often associated with practices in a changing socio-cultural context, especially when they occur within the religious culture of an ethnic and cultural minority-the Roma.

An example of such a tekia (in this case, a symbolic turbe), which is interesting both in itself and in the context of the above questions, is the sanctuary "Zaide Basce", associated with the figure of the eponymous saint 7. Located in the southern Serbian city of Nis 8, Zayde Basce is one of the many loci in the sacred geography of the Balkan cultural space, where the regular ritual of honoring the turbe and the figures of saints is preserved.9 Tekia, which originated in a city that during the Ottoman period was a military and administrative center with developed religious (Muslim) institutions, is now a functioning sanctuary in a predominantly Orthodox environment and is visited by followers of both Islam and Christianity. The main role in maintaining the tradition at this stage is played by local Roma communities.

The first comprehensive study of the cult of Saint Zayde Basce was conducted in 2001 by sociologists D. Djordjevic and D. Zayde Basce. Todorovich. The study identified archival and folklore materials that tell about the tragedy, as well as conducted an empirical study of the cult.10
7. Zajde Basce, or Zajde Badza, are variations of the common names of the sanctuary.

8. The research materials were obtained during ethnographic expeditions in Serbia (Nis; Leskovac), Macedonia (Skopje), and Kosovo (Prizren) in urban public and private sanctuaries and places of worship in the period 2011-2014. Methods of observation, semi-structured and unstructured interviews, and photo recording were used in the course of the work. The article also uses data from observations and in-depth interviews of respondents from the border regions, as well as Kumanovo (Macedonia), Djakova (Kosovo), Gnjilane (Kosovo).

9. It should be noted that the Zayde Basce Tekiya is not the only sanctuary in this region. In recent decades, many public and private (domestic) shrines have emerged within the borders of Romani settlements, which localize the tradition of ziyarat (pilgrimage) and reproduce the corresponding practices as an element of the daily religious culture of Muslim Gypsies. Trofimova K. P. "God's people": the tradition of honoring "saints" in the Gypsy environment in the Balkans//Sufism: ideas, practices, and institutions. Traditions and modernity. A.D. Knysh, O. A. Yarosh (ed.) (In press).

10. The results were published. См.: Bordevic D., Todorovic D. (2001) "Zajde Badza (Prikaz starijih I novijih zapisa о romskom kultnom mestu)", in Vere manjina I manjinske vere. Religions of Minorities and Minority Religions. Zograf. Us

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We, in turn, approached the study of this place ten years later in a changed (socio-cultural) context, which was due to a number of factors. As a result of the military conflicts in the Balkans that continued throughout the 1990s, the subsequent economic crisis and other circumstances, Roma settlements within the city expanded or were built due to the flow of migrants from Kosovo and Macedonia. On the other hand, the Muslim Association of Serbia has stepped up its policy in the field of religious education among the Muslim population (in many cases, it concerned Roma communities), the transformation or creation of local religious institutions (jamaats), and the formation of religious leaders among the Roma community. At the same time, the cult of Zayde Basche itself was developing, which is not least due to the change of the sanctuary's caretaker.

The sanctuary is interesting as an example of a popular, rather than institutionalized, place of worship. In a broad context, the study of "Zaide Basce" is important when describing the mosaic complex of the religious culture of the Balkans, where the identification of common and special features of individual elements makes it possible to clarify the specifics of their mutual positioning and neighborhood.

Tekia

The sanctuary "Zaide Basce" 11 is located in the central, historical part of the city and is adjacent to one of the outer walls of the Nis Fortress. In the stories of visitors, it also appears as the turbe of Saint Zayde Basce, the legend of which is still preserved in local folklore. According to legend, the tomb of the saint dates back to about the XVI century 12. The tekia space is organized as an irregular polygon

We thank Professor D. Djordjevic and Dr. D. Todorovich for providing their materials and valuable comments.

11. The figure of the saint will be described in more detail below.

12. Author's field materials: male (Roma), acting caretaker of the sanctuary, Islam (Sunnism), proj. in Nis (Serbia), Nis, 09.06.2011. In the stories, the time of the appearance of tekia is measured with the activities of other faiths: "This was done 500 years ago. Many years ago, maybe older than many churches" (By churches, the visitor means Christian churches, including neo-Protestant churches that are active in missionary work among the Roma). PMA: Male (Roma), about 30 years old, Islam (Sunnism), resident in Nis (Serbia), Nis, 09.06.2011.

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It has an area of 20-25 m2 and does not have a mausoleum that is typical for such loci. Various ritual objects are concentrated here: the "burial", the altar, trees and part of the wall, painted white, and a fence adjoins them. The fence and trees define the boundaries of the sanctuary. The most significant part of the tekia is located in the turn of the fortress wall in such a way that the central part, which includes the burial place and the altar, is framed in the corner zone. The grave (most likely, the cenotaph) is visually marked by a low concreted rise, in the center of which an irregular polygon is cut, exposing the ground. Above this fragment earlier, as it is supposed, the tomb of the saint towered.

On Thursdays-the day of the visit-the sanctuary is modestly decorated. On the wall above the burial caretakers hang three images: in the center - Saint Zajde Basce, left and right-photos of the statues of the Virgin Mary and the Black Madonna Letnica 13 (after the name of the village located in Kosovo 14). In the very corner, on a specially designated pedestal, vases with fresh flowers are placed. On the opposite side of the sanctuary, the central tekia area is symbolically limited to water jugs, an altar (usually a mat on which parishioners leave the promised offerings to the saint: water, food, money) , and outdoor candle stands used in local church practice. Sometimes gifts (towels, clothing, less often food) are left directly in the corner part, without touching the open ground. A little further away, in the far left corner of the sanctuary, there is a fountain (chesma) built in 2012, which is intended for quenching thirst and performing ablutions (during observations, 2012 - 2014, the fountain did not work). In the center of the site, a flower bed with roses has also been installed in recent years, and benches have been placed on the sides so that parishioners can spend some time in the sanctuary.

13. In everyday speech, you can often hear the abbreviated name-Letnitsa, as well as Our Lady (Lady) of Letnitsa (Letnicka Gospa).

14. Letnica is a village in the southwestern part of Kosovo, mostly inhabited by Croats, where the Catholic Church of Our Lady of Letnica is located.

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Every Thursday, Tekia receives pilgrims: mostly local residents, believers-followers of Islam and Christianity. In the ethnic diversity of parishioners, the majority of visitors are representatives of the local Roma communities. They also act as caretakers of the sanctuary.

Believers come individually or in complete families, performing a single sequence of actions. As they approach the sanctuary, they touch the wall and nearby trees with their palms or lips, symbolizing the crossing of the sacred space. These actions open the central stage of the rite 15. This is followed by offering gifts, lighting candles and reading a personal prayer. The rite ends with an exit from the sanctuary, with reverence, facing the "burial", with closing actions identical to those that accompanied the entrance to the tekia. Late in the evening, the territory of Tekiya is closed,

15. A local cross-section in the consideration of practices characteristic of the folk tradition of veneration of saints and shrines is given in the work of Tanas Vrazhinovsky. See Vrazhinovski T. Svete mesta vo veruvanata na makedontsite [Shining places in Veruvanata in Macedonite]//Narodna traditscha. Religija. Kultura, pp. 149-156.
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and the remaining candles continue to burn, illuminating the path to the sanctuary.

The structure of the ritual is simple, and its main scenario has not changed significantly during our observations. The ritual is performed by each participant individually, regardless of whether he came alone or as part of a group of believers. Note that some religious practices are not performed in the sanctuary, such as prayer, ritual circumambulation, and collective actions: healing practices, jointly recited dhikr, recitation of formulas, healing practices with the involvement of ritual specialists, etc. The pragmatics of visiting the sanctuary are universal: patronage, help in solving various problems, health and happiness, or gratitude Zaide Basce for her help, establishing or maintaining a connection with the saint: "[ ... ] Most Gypsies, for example, have a certain belief that she (Zaide Basce. - Ed. by K. T.) fulfills your wishes, fulfills what you want to get better with your health, financially, in any case, so it helps, so especially your health " 16. At the same time, actions that are interpreted as "magical" and contrary to the "instructions" of visiting mazars are warned in the sanctuary. The limits of what is permissible here are very flexible, but the scope of what is not permissible consistently includes those actions that are not directly related to the communication of a believer and a saint, or a believer and God. These are those actions that introduce an additional level of communication (for example, between a person and djinn and folk mythology characters through the recitation of incantatory formulas), or demonstrate the veneration of the locus (manipulations with objects and the body: tying ribbons on trees, spending the night on a slab covering a symbolic burial, etc.). we have never heard the incantation formulas spoken aloud, although we take into account that the rite is of a private nature.

After performing the rite, the faithful remain on the territory of tekia for some time, sitting on benches,

16. PMA-male (Roma), approx. 35 years old, Islam (Sunnism), literate, resident in Nish, Nish, 09.06.2011.

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talking about "allowed" topics, or getting lost in silent reflection. They also hope to see the saint's face on one of the trees or walls, which would mark her presence and strengthen the existing connection between the saint and the believer. In the course of our research, we often came across evidence of theo-or hierophany as a primary communication, the scenarios of which covered a number of constantly recurring motifs: the saint revealed herself in a dream or in visions, appearing to a person in the form of a young beautiful girl, or communicating her desires through recognizable images and plots; believers noticed how after a rain on the A drawing of a woman's face is outlined on the trees or on the wall of the sanctuary.

The current caretaker of the sanctuary, a Sunni Muslim, communicates with visitors, initiates them in the legend of Saint Zayda Bascha and tells the story of Tekia. Without interfering with the rite itself, he observes and, if necessary, carefully guides the actions of believers, indicating where to light candles and place offerings. For locals, visiting tekia is most often a regular practice, supported by the "intention" or "vow" to perform the rite and hierophany testimonies that form the "miracle discourse".

Attracting believers of various religious traditions, Saint Zayde Basce, the sanctuary itself and the existing tradition of veneration in the narratives of visitors are firmly connected with the Muslim and historical - Turkish traditions. At the same time, the sanctuary's space is described by individual visitors and the caretaker himself as "multietnicko": "Both Orthodox and Orthodox people light candles here. Muslims come, and Catholics come. So, this is a place of all religions, reserved not only for Muslims. Thus, multiethnic (multicultural. - Ed. by K. T.) place " 18.

17. In conversations on the sanctuary grounds, it is not recommended to touch on " bad " topics and use lunch vocabulary. Such restrictions are explained by informants as follows:" dirty "speech, as well as thoughts and intentions, potentially pollute the" clean " space, which can cause anger and subsequent punishment on the part of the saint. PMA - female (Roma), permanent parishioner of the sanctuary, Islam, prozh. in Nis, Nis, 07.06.2012.

18. PMA - male (Roma), acting caretaker of the sanctuary, Islam (Sunnism), resident in Nis (Serbia), Nis, 09.06.2011.

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So, "Zaide Basce" is a folk sanctuary that is "open" to followers of various religious traditions to perform joint practices. Thus, it is a special case of the general Balkan phenomenon of "mixed" pilgrimages. The sanctuary in the city of Nish attracts attention with some details. First, we are interested in its modern decoration, which includes Christian or Christian-like elements, and thus, we assume, demonstrates the transformation of the sanctuary's appearance.19 Secondly, we notice an invariant ritual scenario for Muslim and Christian believers in a space that, based on the "traditional" narrative supported by all participants, is perceived as Muslim. Third, a multicultural discourse is added to the original Muslim discourse in Zayd Bashce, which creates two demonstrative discourses about the religious identity of the place. What is special here is that the ritual is reproduced, and the tradition is maintained largely due to the participation of the ethnic, cultural and religious minority-the Roma, who act here both as participants and ritual specialists20. It is noteworthy that the inhabitants of Nis, who are not involved in this religious practice, consider the sanctuary to be Romani, while the Romani themselves, while recognizing that a significant proportion of pilgrims are Romani, do not define it as "their" in the ethnic sense.

In this connection, we ask ourselves: what is the correlation between the two discourses mentioned? What makes it possible to speak of this sanctuary as a Muslim or multicultural one, and in particular - thanks to what discursive practices

19. It should be noted that Zayde Basce, being a place of joint practices of Muslims and Christians, is not a "dual" sanctuary, which is given a dual identity by different groups (Muslim and Christian), or a sanctuary with an indefinite identity, which is characterized by a mixture of objects associated with different traditions. A similar mix is observed in a number of private sanctuaries.

20. The majority of visitors to the sanctuary are Romani Muslims, who in Southern Serbia, and in particular in Nis, are a predominantly Orthodox religious minority. At the same time, among local communities, Gypsies who define themselves as Muslims form a large community. Borhevih D. B. On a couch with a laptop at bisagam. Увод у ромолошке студиjе. Novi Sad, 2010.

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is the religious boundaries of the cult space being demarcated?

In this context, we will outline the grounds for a possible approach to the phenomenon of joint veneration of shrines under study. As anthropologist Diogini Alberta rightly points out, cult practices of this kind are a "relatively unstructured phenomenon", and therefore the nature of its manifestations is "variable and sometimes unpredictable"21. It is clear that this material may be read differently depending on the specific historical, social and cultural contexts. Recording the diverse cases of joint practices and reconstructing the relevant contexts allows each time to clarify the pattern of interactions that are implemented in the culturally heterogeneous space of the Balkans. According to Doreen Massey, the space of interaction, being heterogeneous, "lives", filled with many simultaneously developing stories-stories that constantly replace each other 22. It is created by relationships, in constant interaction (in connections and disconnections that involve variable combinations), and these relationships form boundaries around which places are outlined. A place is always a "meeting place" 23, which is also true for cultural boundaries.

In turn, the place itself, reflecting the differences, is filled with discourses that are formed by the actors involved in the interaction. The interrelation of these discourses forms a complex semantic content of a particular place. A place is created and filled with meaning or meanings through narratives that are "told" about it and connect the place with people's social practices. The process of "narrativization" 24 allows the place to serve as a significant factor in the construction, content change and maintenance of historical information.

21. Albera, D. (2012) "Conclusion: Crossing the Frontiers between Monotheistic Religions, an Anthropological Approach", in Albera, D. and Couroucli. M. (ed.) Sharing Sacred Spaces in the Mediterranean. Christians, Muslims and Jews at Shrines and Sanctuaries, p. 223. Bloomington-Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.

22. Massey, D. B. (2005) For Space, p. 12. London: Sage.

23. Ibid., pp. 67 - 68.

24. Low, S.M. and Lawrence-Zufiiga, D. (2003) "Locating Culture", in Low, S.M. and Lawrence-Zufiiga, D. (eds) The Anthropology of Space and Place. Locating Culture, pp. 16 - 17. Blackwell Publishing.

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and cultural memory of a particular social association. In this sense, certain places, including, of course, sacred loci, can be considered as" heterotopics", in the concept of M. Foucault 25. Pilgrimage sites, as well as other ritual spaces, are also heterogeneous in content. They are distinguished by their ability to "absorb and reflect a variety of religious discourses"26. At the same time, those studies that focus on identifying the specifics of sharing ritual spaces emphasize that the existing diversity of discourses tends to be ordered in accordance with the current dominant system of ideas and practices, under the control of formal or informal religious and social institutions. This, of course, also applies to folk sanctuaries, which are also included in a complex system of social relations.

Thus, based on the theoretical framework outlined above, and returning to the analysis of the Zaide Basce sanctuary in the context of the phenomenon of mixed pilgrimages in the Balkans, our next step is to study the narratives that arise around the sanctuary in their variability; architectonics of the sacred locus: actions and interactions of parishioners.

Legend

The first mention of "Zayd Bascha" (Zahid Baji 27) dates back to the second half of the 17th century, 28 but it does not contain a description of the sanctuary and does not give us detailed information about the personality of Zahid Baji, who, apparently, occupied a special position in society and was revered by local residents. The tomb of Zahide-baji is also mentioned in historical documents.

25. Foucault, М. (1984) "Des espaces autres (conference au Cercle d'etudes architecturales, 14 mars 1967)", Architecture, Mouvement, Continuite 5: 46 - 49.

26. Eade, J. and Sallnow, M.J. (1991) "Introduction", in Contesting the Sacred. The Anthropology of Christian Pilgrimage, p. 15. London: Routledge.

27. Baci (Turkish) / badji-a lexeme used in relation to a woman - "sister".

28. Celebi, E. (1967) Putopis. Odlomci о Jugoslovenskim zemljama, p. 63. Sarajevo.

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yearbooks (salname) relating to the last years of Ottoman rule in Southern Serbia 29.

At the same time, local folklore tells the legend of a certain Turkish girl who was revered as a saint, and her turban was located in a moat near the old Belgrade gate of the Nis Fortress. It can be assumed that over time, the images of Zahide Badji and the holy Turkish girl merged into a single image of the saint, whose sanctuary is arranged along the wall of the fortress.

The legend of Zayd Basce was first recorded by the Serbian historian M. J. Milicevic in 1878 in a Niche broadcast by representatives of the Turkish community. Later versions of the legend were given by D. Boyanich (1983), J. Stamenkovich (1997), I. Trajkovich (2000), N. Yashich (2001), D. Djordjevic (2001) 30. This study also takes into account the versions of the legend obtained by the author in the course of interviews with the current keeper of the sanctuary and parishioners. The motifs and images that are conveyed in the legends play a significant role in shaping the specifics of local practice and the nature of the sanctuary. Telling about the "origins", the legends of the turban and saints are included in the narrative of tradition, cultural heritage and continuity. They act as a tool in establishing the dominant religious discourse, Christianizing or Islamizing both the figure of the saint and the sanctuary itself.

According to the invariant plot of the legend, Zayde (Zahide) Bashche (Baja) was a young unmarried girl who lived in a Niche. She was religious, well-bred, and charitable, and spent a lot of time in prayer. The central event of the legendary narrative in all cases is the departure for Hajj of the owner of the house (Turkish aga) in which Zayde Basce lives, her intention to bring him halva to Mecca, a miraculous movement in space and the subsequent disappearance of the girl. In conclusion

29. See the historiographical note, which complements the existing idea of the sanctuary, developed on the basis of folklore legends and epics. Sajtovic-Lukin, В., Todorovic, D., Bordevic, D. В., Osmani, I., Vukovic, R. (2005) Romani Cult Places and Culture of Death/Romane Kultna Thana thai/ I Kultura Merubasiri, pp-47 - 53- Nis: SVEN.

30. Excerpts of the work of these authors are collected in Sajtovic-Lukin, V., Todorovic, D., Bordevic, V. V., Osmani, I., Vukovic, R. Romani Cult Places and Culture of Death/ ' Romane Kultna Thana thai/ Kultura Merubasiri. See also: Jasic, N. (2001) Stari niski Romi. Nis: Komrenski socioloski susreti.

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the legend invariant points to the place near the fortress wall and moat surrounding the city, where her shoes were found after Zayde Basce disappeared.

The variability of this legend is reduced to several motives, some of which are key for analyzing the content of the modern cult and relate to the name, ethnic and religious affiliation of the girl, the motive for her decision to transfer food, the way to overcome the distance and disappearance. So, the current caretaker of the sanctuary tells about a Muslim woman, a Turkish woman, who was adopted by a Turkish aga. She was devout and helped people a lot. In general, this version is consistent with the earliest narration recorded by M. J. Milichevich at the end of the XIX century, and the version given by J. R. R. Tolkien. Stamenkovich. However, in the latter case, the motive of a miraculous phenomenon appears: while in the city, the girl hears the voice of her foster father, who asks to give him food to Mecca and as soon as possible. In some narratives, there is a motif of visionary experience: aha comes to Zayde Basche in a dream.

Another important variation of the legend, given by the Romani researcher N. Yashich on the basis of folklore of old-time Romani residents of the city of Nisha, indicates that Zaida Basce was not a Muslim and was not allowed to pray in the house. So she was forced to pray to "her God" in the bathroom. The motif of a devout non-Muslim woman is also found in a variation of the legend told to us by an elderly resident of one of the Romani mahalas 31 in the city of Nisha, who for the past twenty years has been engaged in preparatory practices for burial among Muslim gypsies. In her version, Zayde Basce was a devout Serbian Orthodox servant of a well-to-do Turkish citizen who fell in love with Islam and began to pray to God, as is customary in Islam. The owner's wife prepared halva, put it in a basket and told the girl to take the basket to aga. The girl put on her shoes, left the house and disappeared. Her shoes fell into the moat of the city wall, and the girl "went to God, went with him, she is now their (saints and angels. - Approx. K. T.), God's.

31. Mahala-designation of an urban area where an ethnic or religious community lives compactly. Currently, this term is often used in relation to areas of compact residence of Roma.

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And here her shoes fell, and here she is... appears to some, but does not appear to others " 32.

All these variations of the legend are reproduced in modern folklore, and in the narratives of the last two caretakers of the sanctuary, Zaide Basce appears as a Muslim Turkish woman. However, the idea of her as a Serbian, Orthodox devout girl is also found in the opinions of parishioners, including Muslims. The religious affiliation of the saint, including the motif of conversion to Islam shown above, is one of the markers that denotes the sanctuary as a Muslim place (horohano than-rom.). At the same time, it can be assumed that the image of a non-Muslim saint, on the one hand, supports the actual Islamic ideas about the mercy of Allah, which, as can be seen from the legend, can extend not only to Muslims, but also to God-fearing followers of other religions. On the other hand, this motive can support and legitimize Christians ' visits to the turbe and their practices that they usually practice within their confessional tradition. First of all, this applies to the individual recitation of the prayer, since it is mentioned in those variations of the legend where Zayde Bashche appears as a non-Muslim.

Other motifs, as well as the details of the narrative - toponyms, holidays, and dishes (the miraculous transfer to Mecca, the possession of wings, and the ability to fly as an example of karamat33; the celebration of Eid al - Adha and the preparation of halva, which in local Muslim traditions appears as a ritual dish) - also form the narrative about the Muslim source of the tradition of honoring Tekiya, Zayde Bashche. In the same vein, some informants read the image of the saint - a young, beautiful girl dressed in white robes-which she assumes as a believer in dreams.34
32. PMA: female (Roma), approx. 60 years old, Islam, literate, born in Skopje (Macedonia), lived in Nis, Nis, 20.12.2011.

33. A miraculous phenomenon. The associated characteristic features of the portrait of female saints, represented in the folk tradition of Muslims in Bulgaria, are given in the work of G. Lozanova. Лозанова Г. Местни светци (евлии) у българоезичните мюсюлмани в Родопите: понятие и разказ // Съдбата на мюсюлманските общности на Балканите. Т.VIII. Етнология на суфитските ордени - теория и практика Състав. А. Желязкова и Й. Nielsen. Sofia, 2001. pp. 153-173.

34. Youth and beauty of the character are the motifs found in descriptions of female saints in folk representations, for example, in the image of Kz Ana, Zekiya Baba, etc.

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The legend of the girl Zayda Bascha is also connected with other narratives that tell directly about the origin of the cult place dedicated to her. It reports on the resulting glow and other miracles: "It was in this place that she disappeared, it was in that place that she disappeared, and her shoes remained. Everyone who lived in the fortress came to see what it was, what it was about, and it was a great glow, a great glow. " 35 The observations of light that is lit "not by the hand of a person"36 are also indicated by oral folklore cited in some sources. This common motif is a meaning-forming one in the ideas about the tombs of shahids and awliyas in various local Muslim traditions.37 At the same time, the interpretation of individual visions can have both Muslim and Christian connotations. The face of the woman, which is created by the shadow of the tree and appears on the wall of the sanctuary, is recognized as either Saint Zayde Basce or the Virgin Mary.

Designing a mixed Sanctuary

The Zayde Basce sanctuary can be classified as one of the so-called "uncovered" turbes39. According to legend, the mausoleum on the site of a symbolic burial was built several times, but each time the building itself collapsed, thus in the culture of Alevite Muslims in Bulgaria. See, for example: Mikov L. Kesna kultova architecture on the heterodoxite myusyulmani in Bulgaria//Islyam and kultura. Изследования, София, 1999- С. 69; Алексиев Б. Фолклорни профили на мюсюлмански светци в България. Sofia, 2005.

35. PMA: male, Roma (arlia), approx. 50 years old, Islam, literate, resident in Nis, Nis, 09.06.2011.

36. Dordevic, D. V., Todorovic, D. Zajde Badza (Prikaz starijih I novijih zapisa o romskom kultnom mestu), p. 253.

37. In the Balkan context, the beliefs about miracles on the graves and cenotaphs of saints are given by d. By Georgievich: Borhevih T. Nash narodni zhivot [Our people's belly]. Volume 3; Borbevicha T. Nash narodni zhivot [Our people's belly]. Volume 2.

38. Sajtovic-Lukin, В., Todorovic, D., Dordevic, D. В., Osmani, I., Vukovic, R. Romani Cult Places and Culture of Death/Romane Kultna Thana thai Kultura Merubasiri, p. 55.

39. Open turbe, that is, burials that are not marked by a mausoleum, but are usually surrounded by a fence, are cited as one of the types of funerary architecture in the culture of Muslims belonging to the Bektashiya tradition, Alevites-kyzyl-bashei. See Mikov L. Specica na sufiskata arkhitektura v Bulgariya (XVI-XX c.) [Specifics on sufiskata architecture in Bulgaria (XVI-XX c.)]. T.VIII. Етнология на суфитските ордени - теория и практика Състав. А. Желязкова и Й. Nielsen. Sofia, 2001. pp. 180-220.

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making it clear that the girl's grave should be "open" 40. The motif of the collapse of the mausoleum is usually given by believers to confirm the presence of the saint at this place and his actual power. In this regard, every action on the arrangement of the sanctuary, according to the ideas, must be approved by the saint himself.

The general architectonics of the sacred space appears to us in the traditional form, characteristic of the popular Muslim tradition of decorating such shrines. A number of items that may have Muslim connotations are highlighted in the decoration of the Tekiya. This includes the newly installed fountain (chesmu), intended for ablution. Muslims who visit the sanctuary bring jars of fresh water for the saint so that she can perform ablution before prayer. Another element - the rose flower 41-serves as one of the permanent attributes of Muslim turbans. In ritual actions, participants light only white (Muslim 42) candles, which are sold here by the sanctuary's caretaker. The Muslim nature of the cult is also indicated by the offerings that pilgrims bring to Tekia "Zaide Basche". Among the gifts, you can often see ritual dishes - sherbet, halva-associated with the daily religious life of local Muslim communities.

It is noteworthy that, despite the Muslim discourse, there are no explicit visual and verbal markers characteristic of such places. So, in creating the image of the Zayde Bashche place of worship, green color is not used, images of the Kaaba and spiritual authorities of Muslims are not presented, and shamaili panels with quotations from the Koran are missing,

40. In general, the motif of construction and destruction of buildings included in a certain semantic field (religious buildings, bridges, fountains) is invariant in Balkan folklore. See Borhevih T. Nashi narodni zhivot [Our people's belly]. Volume 3-p. 132. Mikov L. Specifics of the sufiskata architecture in Bulgaria (XVI-XX centuries) / / Ydbata na myusyulmanskite obshchnosti na Balkanite. p. 198.

41. The rose flower is semantically associated with images of martyrs and saints. So, according to legends, roses grow where the blood of innocents is shed, as well as martyrs. Borhevih T. Наш народни живот. Volume 2. pp. 125, 126, 134-

42. According to local beliefs, the color of the candles used in the ritual denotes confessionally the religious affiliation of the participant and the action itself: white candles are associated with Islam, yellow candles are associated with Orthodoxy.

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the Koran itself, rosaries, prayer mats 43. At the same time, symbols with clear Christian connotations are used on sanctuary visits. So, the ritual center of tekia above the cenotaph is indicated by three images. In the center of the composition is the author's image of Saint Zayde Basce, stylized as the Catholic image of the Virgin Mary. To the right and left of the central image are photos of the sculptures of the Virgin Mary and the" Black Madonna "("Letnitsa"), respectively.

In our opinion, the key image is the " Black Madonna "("Letnitsa"). The veneration of the Virgin Mary, which is present in various forms in Muslim cultures, in the practices of Gypsies up to the end of the 1990s was expressed in the annual

43. It should be noted that in other public and private sanctuaries located in Romani settlements (Nis, Leskovac), the listed Muslim paraphernalia is present. Moreover, we do not find any items that have a stable association with Christian traditions in some studios.

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pilgrimage to the Church of Our Lady of Letnica in the Croatian village of Letnica (Kosovo), famous for the venerated statue of the "Black Madonna", during the celebration of the Assumption of Our Lady (August 14 - 15)44.

The Feast of the Dormition of the Mother of God in Letnica organically united the discourses of various communities of believers, each of which, through its own ideas, practices and interpretations, symbolically outlined and demonstrated its own cultural boundaries. The rituals performed by Romani Muslim groups are similar in structure to those performed for the glorification of saints (auliya) in Macedonia, Kosovo, and Serbia, and included kurban (sacrifice) and bloodless offerings to the "Black Madonna". The ritual complex had a "legal" status in this "multicultural" space, which was also evidenced by the presence of services in the Romani language. Thus, the church in Letnica during the holiday period was perceived by the Gypsies as "their "space within the boundaries of" someone else's", because the dominant discourse remained Catholic, and the integral cultural space revealed a discrete character45.

The Balkan national conflicts of the 1990s also affected cultural interaction. During this period, there is a weakening and cessation of "mixed" pilgrimage to monasteries and churches.46 The church in Letnica is no exception. In the context of the alienation of Roma from traditional pilgrimage sites, it is not surprising that within Roma communities, especially those consisting of internally displaced persons, one can often see a desire to reproduce the usual forms of worship in a new environment in typologically similar cult loci while maintaining a common semantic context and structure

44. Dujzings, G. Religion and the Politics of Identity in Kosovo, pp. 38-45; Vukanovip T. Romi (Tsigani) u Lugoslavschi. Vrane: Nova Lugoslavscha Publ., 1983, pp. 291-292.

45. Recalling the visits to the church in Letnica and other shrines in Kosovo, it is clarified that in the church and near the church (within the boundaries of the fair and tent camps) it was possible to perform various kinds of rituals, and this was not forbidden, even allowed: "This was our visit". PMA: female (Roma), approx. 75 years old, b. in Kosovo, resident in Skopje (Macedonia), Skopje, 09.06.2012; male (Roma), approx. 70 years old, Islam, literate (Sheikh Tariqa qadiriyya), resident in Nis, Nis, 25.03.2014; female (Roma), approx. 40 years old, Islam, literate, prozh. in Nis, Nis, 25.03.2014.

46. Dujzings, G. Religion and the Politics of Identity in Kosovo, pp. 65 - 75.

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the rite of passage. Thus, in recent years, there has been an increase in the number of pilgrims and parishioners during religious holidays in Catholic churches, known as local pilgrimage sites, on the migration routes of Roma communities (for example, in Nis, Serbia; Skopje, Macedonia; Novi Sad, Serbia, etc.).

Studies of annual visits to the Church of the Sacred Heart of Jesus in Nis on the feast of the Dormition of the Mother of God show an increase and activation of parishioners, primarily due to the increase in representatives of the Roma population, who try to reproduce the usual forms of rituals associated with Letnitsa. As a result, since the area of the religious building in the Niche does not allow mass events to be held, access to the sculpture of the Virgin and Child in the courtyard of the church is restricted on the specified dates, and it is forbidden to perform sacrifices.47 We believe that the forced removal from the central object of worship, going beyond the boundaries already outlined in the rite, violates the structure of the ritual, reduces its functional significance, and forces us to transform the ritual complex, in particular, to transfer it to suitable loci (for example, to private home or public sanctuaries).

Hence, the appearance in the tekia "Zaide Basce" of images of Letnitsa and the Mother of God, as well as a stylized image of the saint herself, seems quite natural and understandable. Difficult to explain at first glance are the details of their appearance. According to the information provided by the current caretaker of Tekia, the three images were brought to him in 2010 by a Christian, an ethnic Serbian, who reported that she was prompted to do so by a dream in which she saw herself bringing these images to Tekia.

It should be noted that in this way, the veneration of the Mother of God was partially included in the actual cult space, which, in turn, receives an additional semantic load and is marked through the presence of this image. The act of transmitting an image was individual in nature, but it was legalized by tradition and integrated into a holistic cult. Considering the role of dreaming in different cultures48, the introduction of a dream can be considered as an important factor.

47. Saitovic-Lukin, В., Todorovic, D., Bordevic, D. В., Osmanil., R., Vuckovic, R.Romani cult places and culture of death. Romane kultna thana thai/ I kultura meribasiri, pp. 61 - 62.

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It can serve as an example of the traditional mechanism of legitimation of the constructed confessional hybridity of space 49.

We believe that one of the determinants both in the choice of place and in the process of inclusion in the cult was the fact that the sanctuary of Zaide Basce, attracting more believers belonging to the Roma communities, is perceived by them as a space of ethno-cultural unity. That is, we are not talking about the transfer of the cult, but about its partial reproduction in "our" space. At the same time, it is important to emphasize that the figure of Our Lady did not replace the figure of Zayde Basce, and the latter remains the dominant character, which retains Muslim rhetoric.

Thus, as in the case of legendary narratives, the organization of sanctuary space reveals a special hybridization or combination of Muslim and Christian elements. We should especially mention a number of differences that distinguish Zaide Basce from a number of Balkan phenomena associated with mixed pilgrimages. As a rule, in confessional-unambiguous (for example, a monastery, mosque, etc.) and dual shrines (places associated with the figures of saints who are equally revered in both the Christian and Muslim folk traditions, for example, St. Nikola/Haidar Baba 50), the organization of space is either subordinated to the dominant confessional discourse, or It is always reorganized to meet the needs of a specific group of pilgrims, depending on their religious affiliation. "Zaide Basce", on the contrary, is a space of organic leveling or smoothing of confessional differences, which allows for the juxtaposition of symbols of different confessions.51
Joecmoeuh E. Crkve from again // Glasnik etnografskog muzda u Beogradu 2011. N75-p. 63-71; Mikov L. Kesna kultova architecture on the mysiulmani heterodoxite in Bulgaria//Islyam and kultura. Izledovaniya, p. 220. On the place of visionary experience in Muslim traditions, see the collection of studies: Felek, O. and Knysh, A.D. (2012) Dreams and Visions in Islamic Societies. State University of New York Press.

49. Berger, P. L. (1980) The Heretical Imperative: Contemporary Possibilities of Religious Affirmation. Doubleday; Boyer, P. (1990) Tradition as Truth and Communication: A Cognitive Description of Traditional Discourse. Cambridge University Press.

50. See the article by G. Bauman in this issue.

51. As we have already noted above, the architecture of the sanctuary space is such that it does not contain first-order confessional symbols, which can be used to create a sanctuary.

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The final touch to the description of the portrait of Tekia "Zaide Basce" can serve as an appeal to the ritual behavior of visitors. Based on the observations of believers and their interviews, it is possible to note the existence of prescriptions for the cult side of visiting the sanctuary. The ritual actions performed, as well as human behavior within the boundaries of a given place, are regulated by a set of prohibitions and regulations that correspond to the ideas of ritual purity/impurity, some of which reflect the Muslim context. Among the cleansing actions for the period of preparation for the rite (about a day before the visit), there are: complete ablution; prohibition of sexual contact; refusal to eat "forbidden" food (pork, alcohol). Smoking is allowed even within the sanctuary's boundaries. Women are advised to wear modest clothing and refrain from using makeup. However, wearing a hijab is not required 52.

The key place in the ritual action is occupied by the individual act of making a vow or expressing an intention and direct prayer communication between a person and a saint. Thus, the ritual actions performed in the sanctuary space mainly consist of individual actions (personal prayers to the saint, lighting candles and offering gifts). Since there are no collective ritual acts performed in the sanctuary, this can also be considered as its peculiarity, which causes the leveling of external (observed) confessional differences of pilgrims and forms the space of religious combination. It is noteworthy that the system of prescriptions and prohibitions, which sets the rigidity of the limits of what is allowed in the ritual, at the same time provides flexibility of confessional boundaries: at the external level, all visitors to the sanctuary perform the same actions that do not have an explicit confessional connection, they usually do not fold their hands in the traditional Muslim style.

It could serve as a clear and unambiguous marker that defines the confessional boundaries of the sacred space.

52. A possible explanation for this is that, unlike other ethnic communities professing Islam in the Balkans (for example, Albanians), the practice of wearing the hijab on a daily basis is not established among local Roma communities, with the exception of visiting mosques and other places of worship (Sufi tekkes, Semans).

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dua, don't be baptized 53. At the same time, the existing system of prescriptions does not regulate the inner side of prayer to the saint in any way, allowing the believer to address it in the way that is customary in his denomination, or in his own way.

Thus, within the framework of general religious practice, the religious statuses of participants are differentiated at the level of prescriptions and prohibitions. At the same time, the holistic discourse of a cult is both the creation and creator of the cultural identity of a given space, delineating the boundaries of various private discourses included in it (multicultural against the background of Muslim, which in this case is dominant).

Concluding remarks

In its current form, the Zajde Basce sanctuary is constructed on the basis of various narratives. The specifics of tekia are determined by the features of the main narratives, the organization of internal space and ritual practices and consist in a combination of traditional Muslim, Christian and folk elements. Their correlation indicates, on the one hand, the desire for ordering on the basis of the dominant "traditional" Muslim discourse, and on the other hand, the leveling of confessional differences, which ensures the flexibility of confessional limits at the level of ideas and practices. As we have already noted, the creation of a cult space and its hybrid character are based on common mechanisms of legalization, which form areal representations and rituals.

An interesting question is about the nature and specifics of the recognition of the Zayde Basce sanctuary and the rites performed here by local formal religious leaders. As a rule, the latter consider this religion as an illegitimate, unorthodox or non-confessional phenomenon that has a marginal character. Such marginalization, on the one hand, entails, and on the other hand, is based on the interpretation of the cult as a religious institution.

53. It is explicitly forbidden to be baptized, and this can be seen as the predominance of Muslim discourse over multicultural: "[ ... ] I am Orthodox, but here I cannot (not accepted. - Ed. by K. T.) to be baptized" (PMA-male (Serb), approx. 50 years old, Orthodox, literate, prozh. in Nis, Nis, 22.12.2012).

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an original specifically Gypsy religious phenomenon, perceived as "their" tradition. On the contrary, the parishioners themselves, as well as individual leaders of local Sufi communities, see "Zaide Basche" as a way to maintain local Muslim traditions and at the same time as part of their own cultural memory, integrating the religious culture of the Roma into the surrounding cultural environment. And in this context, the Muslim discourse prescribed by "tradition"is preserved.

At the same time, we suggest that the construction of a narrative about the multicultural nature of the sanctuary, in addition to the "traditionalist" Muslim discourse, can be considered as a response to the non-recognition and marginal status of "Zayda Bashce" by local religious leaders. The marginal, peripheral nature of the cult, on the one hand, implies the liminality of the outlined confessional borders, and on the other, it requires self-determination. It is likely that the emergence of a" multicultural " discourse can be explained by the manifestation of the polyphony characteristic of Balkan religiosity in general (in terms of the neighborhood culture) and modern Romani religiosity in particular.

At the same time, it should be recognized that it is indeed most productive to explain the specifics of the Zaide Basce sanctuary precisely in the context of the peculiarities of Romani religiosity in the Balkans. In our research, we tried to show that a characteristic feature of the Romani folk religious culture is combinativity and syncretism 54. Combinativity is a form of organization of everyday religiosity, in which elements of various traditions do not lose their confessional attachment, but are combined in a common narrative, spatial or ritual complex. This is exactly what we see in the example of Zaide Basce, where elements of popular Muslim and Christian beliefs are combined, thus revealing the peculiarities of religious ideas and practices among the Balkan Roma. Summing up the above, we assume that, being non-institutional and marginalized, but at the same time being in line with traditional forms of existence and legalization, tekia "Zaide Basce" reveals some common Balkan features.

54. Trofimova K. P. Osobennosti religionnoi kul'tury tsygan v kontekste religioznogo pluralizma na Balkanakh [Features of religious culture of the Gypsies in the context of religious pluralism in the Balkans]. 2013-N D. S. 1270-1280.

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mechanisms of everyday religiosity in the neighborhood of different cultures.

Bibliography/References

Author's field materials

Interview - male (Roma), acting caretaker of the sanctuary, Islam (Sunnism), resident in Nis (Serbia), Nis, 09.06.2011; male (Roma), about 30 years old, Islam (Sunnism), resident in Nis, Nis, 09.06.2011; male (Roma) approx. 35 years old, Islam (Sunnism), literate, resident in Nish, Nish, 09.06.2011; female (Roma), permanent parishioner of the sanctuary, Islam, resident in Nish, Nish, 09.06.2011; female (Roma), approx. 60 years old, Islam, literate, born in Skopje (Macedonia), resident in Nis, Nis, 20.12.2011; male (Roma), approx. 50 years old, Islam, literate, resident in Nis, Nis, 09.06.2011; male (Serb), approx. 50 years old, Orthodox, literate, resident in Nis, Nis, Nish, 22.12.2012; male (slaughterhouse), 30 years old, chief imam of the Nish mosque, Islam (Sunnism), Nish, 10.06. 2011; 22.12. 2011; male (Roma), approx. 40 years old, imam, dervish (qadiriyah), proj. in Nis, 25.03.2014; female (Roma), approx. 75 years old, b. Kosovo, resident in Skopje (Macedonia), Skopje, 09.06.2012; male (Roma), approx. 70 years old, Islam, literate (Sheikh Tariqa qadiriyya), resident in Nis, Nis, 25.03.2014; female (Roma), approx. 40 years old Islam, literate, resident. in Nis, Nis, 25.03.2014.

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