December 7, 1984 marks the 100th anniversary of the birth of Petru Groza , an outstanding son of the Romanian people. He left a significant mark on the history of his country. Even in the period of reaction from 1933 to 1944. Groza was loyal to the democratic, progressive ideals of the social movement.

Groza came from the family of a liberal-minded priest (Bacia commune near Deva in Transylvania, which was part of Austria-Hungary until 1918). While still an Austro-Hungarian citizen, he graduated from the Universities of Budapest and Berlin, where he received the degrees of Doctor of Law and Doctor of Economics. 1 Despite his origin from a wealthy class, Groza showed sympathy for the working peasantry from a young age, understood its disenfranchised and oppressed situation. But in defense of the underprivileged, he first spoke out only in 1918. Before that, adhering to liberal-bourgeois views, he was a purely non-partisan politician.

Under the influence of the Great October Socialist Revolution, the liberation movement of the peoples of Austria-Hungary intensified, which was falling to pieces. These events helped to increase Groza's political awareness. He became an active participant in the preparation and convocation of the All-Romanian National Assembly on December 1, 1918 in Alba Iulia . But Groza soon became convinced that the hard-core politicians of the bourgeois nationalist parties, while advocating "great ideas", were pursuing their own selfish goals. For them, the common people, no matter what nationality they belonged to, remained the same object of exploitation as in former times, regardless of whose power they were under. Somewhat later, Groza expressed himself as follows: it is necessary to change not the crowns of monarchs, but the social order - and this caused hatred not only from the royal court, but also from the leaders of the bourgeois-landowner parties, as well as from the entire reactionary-nationalist camp.

Nevertheless, Groza continued to harbor hopes that through the efforts of liberal-minded politicians, it would be possible to persuade the royal court, the government and parliament to implement socio-political reforms in Romania, first of all land reform, in which the government would have to give the landlords ' land to the peasants free of charge. In November 1919, Groza became a member of the Constituent Assembly of Romania. During his 8 years in parliament, he was able to observe all the twists and turns of the political struggle and machinations of the leaders of the ruling parties, their desire for government seats. It was a fight of predators around the "meat cauldron," he said. In 1920-1921. Groza was a minister without portfolio, and in 1926-1927 - Minister of Public Works in the cabinet of General A. Averescu. There, Groza did not limit himself to the scope of his direct functions and actively spoke out on key policy issues, often publicly exposing illegal actions of representatives of the highest echelon of power, nepotism in relations between the leaders of "historical parties" and the royal court .3
Important for his life and political experience was his position in the leadership of the Supreme Government Committee for the Implementation of Agrarian Reform, the practical implementation of which began in 1922. Here he repeatedly entered into disputes with senior officials and landowners, trying to achieve the same goal.-

1 In: Groza Р. Articole, cuvintari, interviuri (texte alese). Bucuresti. 1973, p. 12.

2 Analele, 1968, N 1, p. 27.

3 Croza P. Op. cit., p. 616.

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There are no other solutions that would be acceptable to the peasants. Thanks to this, his popularity among the masses grew. However, his "obstinacy" jarred the king and his ministers. In the end, the palace circles forced Groza to resign as Minister of Public Works.

In June 1927, the Averescu government, having shown complete inability to improve the socio - political and economic situation of the country, fell. By that time, Groza's authority in the country was already very high. During his time in the government, he established contacts with representatives of industrial and commercial circles, who appreciated his intelligence and business qualities. He was elected president of the Union of Large Industrialists and the Association of Timber Producers, a member of the High Customs Commission, the Import-Export Commission, as well as the administrative councils of a number of private enterprises and banks .4 This gave him the opportunity to gain economic and administrative experience, to learn the invisible links between the highest state power and private capital, and to establish himself as a liberal-bourgeois politician.

Without touching the principle of private property, but protesting against the obvious vices of the existing system (usurpation of power, corruption of the highest circles, deception of the native masses), Groza moves from lone-man actions to more conscious actions against semi-feudal foundations in the country. The bourgeois press wrote at the time that his career at the top of state power was over, but his political activity was just beginning. After retiring from public affairs, Groza temporarily "self-isolated" in his native land. With the money saved from the ministry's salary, deductions for activities in the administrative councils of industrial associations and income from his small estate, he built his house in Deva in the mid-20s. A few years later, this place became the headquarters of the Romanian peasant movement.

The beginning of a new stage of this movement can be considered a meeting of many thousands of peasants in January 1933 in Deva (Hunedoara county). There, the voices of disenfranchised rural workers were openly voiced against the authorities, who had driven them to ruin and impoverishment. The peasants demanded the attendance of all the local rich people. But, apart from the Thunderstorm, no one dared to come there. Groza not only came, but was also ready to give an answer to the assembled peasants. As a representative of the exploiting class, he was met with hostile stares when he ascended the podium. And he knew he had to be honest and honest.

Groza welcomed the participants, expressed admiration for their courage, and condemned the authorities for their indifference to the fate of grain growers. When asked by those present whose side he was on, Groza solemnly declared that he chose to fight for justice and freedom: "I am called a Bolshevik because I have repeatedly said: our country is a huge abscess." He added that after much thought about the fate of his homeland, he decided to leave the ranks of the Averescu People's Party, and called on other politicians to follow his example, to leave the ranks of bourgeois - landowner parties, including the National Tsaranist Maniu Party, which was in power at that time.

In an hour-and-a-half speech, listened to with great attention by the participants of the meeting, he painted an unsightly picture of the situation in the country and sharply criticized the policies of the ruling circles. The Assembly decided to create an All-Ukrainian organization of peasants and call it the Front of Farmers. It was also decided to call a representative meeting of the peasants of Hunedoara County in two months ' time.

Romanian newspapers reported that the movement that emerged in Deva in January is expanding and taking the form of an organized struggle. The police launched extensive reprisals against representatives of the front. Despite this, Groza and his associates began to prepare the First Peasant Congress. It was held in the same Deva on April 18, 1933. It was attended by farmers not only from Hunedoara County, but also from other districts. 12 thousand people met the appearance of a Thunderstorm on the podium with cheers. This representative meeting, he began, testifies to the existence of our organization. What do we want and what should we achieve? "A new world!" the crowd responded loudly. Yes, continued the Storm, we need

4 Ibid., p. 17.

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in the new world. The country is going through days of great drama, after which a revival must come. But to do this, it is necessary to overcome the fierce resistance of not only national rulers, but also the dominance of international capital, which has established undivided domination in the country .5
Romanian politicians, the speaker continued, are intermediaries in a gigantic international deal to betray and sell our country, even though they are constantly repeating their patriotism. It is their fault that the peasants bear the brunt of cruel exploitation more than anyone else, since the foundation always carries a heavy load. The whole superstructure is weighing on him. Consequently, the struggle of the working peasantry must be waged not against this or that party, not against this or that government, which is the executor of the will of the parties, but against the entire existing system of government. "We," Groza concluded, " must peacefully, by the power of our reason and within the framework of the rule of law, begin the great social transformation that ... .. it will change not only the superstructure, but also the foundation. " 6
Groza later expressed the same thoughts, but even more clearly, to Averescu in November 1933. in response to a letter from the latter, who considered the participation of his former minister in the peasant movement incompatible with being a member of the People's Party. In response, Groza wrote: "We live stunned by the onset of a chaotic collapse that is replacing what appeared to be a semblance of economic, social and political order. All the filth, all the garbage, all the evil created by this seeming order came to the surface... What a ruthless exploitation of the working masses, what a betrayal of public interests, what unrestrained speculation! And all this for the sake of an insignificant but well-organized minority, which always and everywhere loudly proclaims patriotism and our ancient faith. And all this happens not without our participation." Describing the essence of his political doctrine, Groza stressed: "I don't want to bore you with my further arguments. I will only say this: I am discovering a philosophical metamorphosis; I am happy to give up all the success and gains that the rest of the world can still offer me, and exchange all this for privation, excitement and anxiety forever united in the struggle for a new order, the benefits of which, perhaps,my children will already benefit. capable of perceiving their own personal good as a public good, and the public good as their own personal good. " 7
There is reason to believe that these thoughts, which reflected a certain shift in Groza's political consciousness, were inspired by the beginning of his acquaintance with Marxist literature and the success of the socio-economic development of the USSR. This is evidenced by the statement of Groza himself in an interview with the rector of Canterbury Cathedral, H. Johnson on September 9, 1948 8 . The formation of Groza's new ideological image was also influenced by his constant illegal contacts with the Romanian communists who were in the underground and worked among the peasants. These contacts began in 1931 and continued in the following years .9 In December 1935, he met with the well-known communists S. Kalimaki and Professor P. Constantinescu-Yas, leaders of the semi-legal Democratic bloc, at the Groza House.

At the end of his letter to Averesk, Groza noted that he was not yet a member of the Farmers ' Front, but that he had been invited to become the head of this organization .10 And he became one. On November 8, 1933, the organizing committee of the Front unanimously elected Petra Groza as the head of this peasant organization by secret ballot. In what direction was he going to act? As already mentioned, Groza's speech on April 18 called for "non-resistance to evil by violence": "You must not use any violent methods of fighting either against the gendarmerie, or against the police and authorities, even if you are attacked," 11 he said. The storm isn't here yet

5 Horia (Deva), 14.I.1933.

6 Ibid., 22.IV.1933.

7 Vidrashku F. Petru Groza, Moscow, 1976, p. 75.

8 Grоza P. In drum spre socialism. Discursuri si intrevederi politice, 1947 - 1948. Bucuresti. 1950, pp. 206 - 207.

9 Iordaky L. Intilnirile mele cu d-r Petru Groza, - Magazin istoric, 1973, N 1.

10 Vidrashku F. UK. soch., p. 76.

11 Horia, 22.IV.1933; Groza P. Articule, p. 87.

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At that time I grew to understand the necessity of a revolutionary class struggle. Only subsequent events in Europe and Romania itself showed him that passive forms of resistance to reaction were clearly insufficient.

After the protests of the Romanian peasantry in early 1933 and the creation of the Farmers ' Front with its democratic program, the name of Groza, who led this movement, was passed on by word of mouth among the people. His portraits did not leave the pages of newspapers of various directions. Bourgeois publicists and representatives of the upper classes insulted and hounded him as an "apostate", declared him abnormal, and organized bandit attacks on him. The king, together with Prime Minister I. Duka, even planned the murder of Groza 12 . The progressive press welcomed him and listened to his voice. In the mid-1930s, the Farmers ' Front already had 300,000 members. With the assistance of the Communists, Groza formed an alliance between the Farmers ' Front and the Union of Hungarian Peasants and Workers of Transylvania on November 3, 1935. This gave rise to a significant shift in the development of the democratic movement in Romania and was an important event in the history of Romania, demonstrating the establishment of the brotherhood of Romanian and Hungarian workers. Both of these organizations, as well as Groza himself, expressed their strong support for the idea of creating a Popular Democratic Front to fight the threat of the establishment of a fascist dictatorship in the country.

The scale of the struggle of the working masses caused a stir in the ruling circles of Romania. The entire reaction turned against the idea of the Popular Front. In order to break up the Farmers ' Front, agents of the authorities repeatedly attempted to bribe its leaders. Similar offers were made to Groza. And those close to the royal court repeatedly advised him to give up the leadership of the Front, guaranteeing the patronage of his Majesty for this. "I reject such proposals with contempt," Groza replied to the king's messengers. Unable to achieve the elimination of the Front by such methods, the reaction and its shock detachment, the Iron Guard of C. Codreanu, switched to direct attacks against the peasant organization and its leader. Gangs of Iron Guards repeatedly gathered near Groza's house and chanted: "To the gallows Storm! Long live Maniu!"

Groza, on the other hand, is strengthening contacts with representatives of the Communist Party, who helped him expand the legal forms of struggle against farmers. Meanwhile, the situation in the country has worsened. Various fascist and semi-Fascist organizations grew like mushrooms. Not only the palace authorities and leaders of "historical" parties, but also nationalist circles of the intelligentsia contributed to this to a considerable extent. The poet O. Goga openly preached racial and imperialist ideas: "To make Romania clean from all other nationalities!", to achieve "the revival of Denmark, which would stretch from Vienna to the Sea of Azov." On behalf of King Gogol, the first pro-fascist government was formed, which lasted 43 days, until the coup d'etat of February 10, 1938.

The national fascist and chauvinist wave was increasingly sweeping the country. The situation contributed to the establishment of the personal dictatorship of King Carol II. With the consent of the National Tsaranist and liberal leaders, in February 1938 he dissolved the parliament, banned political parties, including the Farmers ' Front, and abolished the Constitution. These actions served as a prerequisite for the establishment of the military-fascist regime in September 1940 and the conclusion by Romania of a military-political alliance with fascist Germany, directed against the USSR. Groza considered Romania's participation in the war against the Soviet Union to be the greatest madness in the history of the Romanian people.

The events forced Groza to temporarily stop his legal political activities. For the slightest attempt to establish contacts with progressive elements, the authorities repeatedly arrested and imprisoned him. Groza's final confinement lasted from mid-December 1943 to February 1944. Only because of their popularity, class affiliation and, above all, their indigenous culture.-

12 Vidrashku F. UK. soch., p. 81.

13 Ibid., p. 131.

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due to the changed situation on the Soviet-German front, Groza escaped the gallows.

The brutal ordeal he endured is attested by the entries in Groza's diary that he kept in Malmaison prison (on the outskirts of Bucharest) in December 1943 - January 1944. "Mr. Minister" was first placed in the same cell with criminals, then transferred to a solitary cell in a military prison, almost without light and basic amenities. The place of detention was in a terrible unsanitary state, swarming with parasites. The food was bad. Groza was deprived of the right to receive broadcasts, to visit his family and take walks. Only the old sports training helped the elderly prisoner to survive in these difficult conditions. He called his diary " In the darkness of a prison cell." It was published in April 1945 by the Russkaya Kniga publishing house .14
As a result of the successful offensive of the Red Army in Romania, with the active assistance of the Communists, a broad movement for the liberation of Grozny began. With such demands, many letters addressed to the king from cultural figures were received. Alarmed by the development of events at the front and the growing opposition movement to the Antonescu regime, Interior Minister Popescu "honored "Groza with a personal reception and expressed" concern " about the prisoner's situation. With Antonescu's permission, he was willing to release Groza on condition that he gave the government information about his associates. In response, Groza demanded the immediate release of his and other members of the Farmers ' Front without any preconditions .15 The authorities were forced to release Groza from prison.

Once free and well aware of the development of domestic and international events, Groza gradually began to reestablish contacts with representatives of the EPR, members of the leadership of the banned Front of Farmers and other democratic organizations that had escaped arrest, operating underground or semi-legally. However, this activity of Groza received proper scope only with the liberation of Romania by the Red Army from the fascist regime. This fact was an epochal event in the fate of the Romanian working people. "August 23, 1944, the day of the liberation of Romania by the glorious Soviet Army, the day of the overthrow of the fascist dictatorship of Antonescu by patriotic forces under the leadership of the party," stressed the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Romanian Workers 'Party of 16 G. Gheorghiu - Dej," became the greatest national holiday of our people. The liberation of Romania by the Soviet Army meant not only the national liberation of our country. It created the necessary conditions and prerequisites for the subsequent defeat of the ruling classes of landlords and capitalists... It saved the country from armed intervention by the imperialist Powers, and opened the way for the establishment of people's power. " 17 Thanks to the fact that the army of the socialist state was the liberator of Romania, G. Gheorghiu-Dej emphasized, "our country broke free from the chains of the monstrous world system of imperialism." 18
On October 12, 1944, the Supreme Council of the People's Democratic Front (PDF) was established with the participation of all progressive political parties and organizations in Romania. The soul of the NDF was the Communist Party. The NDF fought for the creation of a government that would actively and honestly fulfill the terms of the Armistice Agreement, fought for the elimination of fascist and semi-fascist organizations, the abolition of all links of the former regime, which pushed the country to a criminal war against the USSR. Groza, being at the head of the Front of Farmers, which extended its influence to the vast mass of the peasantry, warmly supported all the initiatives of the Communist Party, which took responsibility for the fate of the country. He was well aware of the political significance of the nascent Soviet-Romanian brotherhood in arms and strongly condemned the attempts of the PRA.-

14 Groza P. In umbra celulei. Malmaison, 1943 - 1944 iarna. Bucuresti. 1945, pp. 65 - 66, 77 - 78, 189 - 190.

15 Ibid., pp. 137 - 139.

16 It was called the Communist Party of Romania until February 1948, the Romanian Workers ' Party until July 1965, and then the Romanian Communist Party.

17 Gheorghiu-Dej Gh. Articole si cuvintari. Bucuresti. 1955, p. 387.

18 Ibid., p. 244.

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In an attempt by General C. Sanatescu to avoid fulfilling the military-political and economic obligations assumed by Romania under the Armistice Agreement, he exposed the hostile actions of the Maniu legionnaires in Transylvania, who sought to disrupt the rear communications of the Red Army.

The situation created in Transylvania forced the Soviet command to introduce a military administration there and demand that the Romanian government eliminate the "Maniu detachments". The NDF, with the support of the broad masses of the people, demanded the resignation of the Sanatescu government. However, the king tried to ignore this demand and only under pressure from the growing popular movement agreed to negotiate with the NDF, and on November 4, 1944, approved a new government headed by the same general. In Sanatescu's second government, Groza was appointed Deputy Prime Minister, and G. Gheorghiu-Dej, General Secretary of the Communist Party Central Committee, became Minister of Railways. In addition, the NDF had four other ministerial posts in the Government. This circumstance became a deterrent to the reaction's actions.

Petr Groza, as Deputy Prime Minister, was assigned the post of chairman of the Government Commission for Romania's implementation of the terms of the Armistice Agreement. In the midst of the ongoing war, this area of government activity was extremely important, and Groza knew it. Despite the anti-Soviet sentiments of the majority of government members and senior officials, he took the most favorable position in relation to the requests of the Soviet command and did considerable work to implement the Armistice Agreement. In dealing with these issues, he maintained close contacts with the Union Control Commission in Romania. While serving as chairman of the commission for the implementation of the terms of the Armistice Agreement, which was one of the key ones in the government, Groza, in coordination with the leadership of the Communist Party, on November 18, 1944, demanded at a meeting of the Council of Ministers the publication of a law on the cleansing of the state alparat from fascist and pro-Fascist elements.

Important for the development of Romania on the path of democracy and social progress were Groza's statements for the immediate preparation of a law on agrarian reform based on the proposals of the Communist Party and the Front of Farmers. But the reactionary majority in the government refused even to discuss this question, and the entire reaction turned against Groza again. Nevertheless, he persisted in demanding agrarian reform, and denounced the false claims spread by the bourgeois press that the Communists intended to deprive the peasants of their land, take away their cattle-horses and cows - and transfer them to state farms. But this is a lie! - P. Groza stated with all conviction on November 30, 1944. "The Communist Party," the peasant leader said, " is the party that initiated the development of the platform( NDF-A. Sh.), in which the issue of agrarian reform occupies the most important place... The Communist Party defends the interests of the peasantry and fights to seize the land from the landlords and give it to those who work on it. " 19
In response to the attacks of the reactionary forces, a popular wave of protest rose even wider, and thousands of rallies and demonstrations were held across the country demanding the resignation of the Sanatescu government and the transfer of power to representatives of the NDF. Increasingly, there were proposals to appoint Groza as Prime Minister. In order to reduce the intensity of the political struggle, the king and his court decided to remove the "indecisive" General Sanatescu from power, and instead put forward a general with an "iron will" N. Radescu, who had previously headed the general staff, for the post of head of the government. The new prime Minister did not consider it necessary to camouflage his political course. After taking the oath of office on December 2, 1944, he openly declared that he would take all necessary measures to bring "order and discipline" to the country .20
However, the masses no longer succumbed to intimidation. In accordance with the provisions of the Armistice Agreement, the progressive forces of the country, ru-

19 Groza P. Articole, pp. 214 - 215.

20 The Government was formed on December 6. The NDF retained its previous positions, while Groza remained Deputy Prime Minister.

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Led by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Front of Farmers, which had become the most mass organization of the working people, they demanded urgent agrarian and other reforms and the establishment of a truly democratic government. Groza, in collaboration with like-minded people, continued to work hard on the main provisions of the law on agrarian reform. Meanwhile, the peasants, not expecting its adoption and not without the active assistance of Groza and his associates from the Front of Farmers, began to divide the landlords ' lands, And In mid-February 1945 Radescu issued a threat: "I will oppose it with all my might, and I am ready to resort to civil war if necessary; I will do it, gentlemen, no matter what happens." 21 Assessing the Prime Minister's adventurous plans, the Communist Party organ wrote: "Radescu has declared open war on the people." 22
But in this situation, the reaction was already powerless to direct the life of the country in the direction it needed. The course of events was an insurmountable obstacle to her plans. The Red Army was finishing off German fascism. On February 4-11, 1945, the Crimean Conference of the heads of Government of the USSR, the United States and Great Britain was held, which adopted an important document - the "Declaration on a Liberated Europe", which defined the structure of post-war Europe on a democratic basis, provided for assistance to " the peoples liberated from the domination of Nazi Germany and the peoples of the former Axis satellite states in the declaration called for the creation of such political conditions for the liberated peoples that they could "destroy the last traces of Nazism and fascism and establish democratic institutions of their own choice" .23
The Declaration of the three Great Powers and the presence of the Red Army of Liberation on Romanian territory became a support for all progressive political figures in Romania, gave them determination and perseverance. Thunderstorm's uncompromising battle with the forces of reaction nearly cost him his life. On December 19, 1944, an attempt was made on his life in the hotel where he was temporarily staying. As it turned out, both of the attackers were landlords.

By the end of the winter of 1945, class clashes in the country reached a climax. On February 24, not without the King's knowledge and on Radescu's orders, fire was opened on a peaceful demonstration of workers in Bucharest. Similar actions were held in other parts of the country. A few days before these events, at a meeting of the Council of Ministers on February 21, 1945, Groza stated:: "I see, Mr. General Radescu, that you have prepared everything for a coup d'etat to eliminate democracy and establish a dictatorship. I am quite convinced of that." As the reaction's actions became extremely dangerous for the country, representatives of the NDF demanded the resignation of the Radescu government, but the latter rejected this demand. Then Gheorghiu-Dej said :" We will use all means to prevent attempts to turn the internal struggle into a civil war... The situation is critical... We will raise up the people, and then you will see what the will of the people means. We will still force you to resign... And we will achieve it. " 24
The events of February 24 rocked the country. Telegrams were constantly sent to the King protesting against the criminal actions of the reaction. At crowded rallies, workers demanded the creation of a government headed by Groza, capable of ensuring the people's freedom, and the country's national independence and economic prosperity. Seeing that Radescu's continued stay in power was becoming dangerous for the monarchy, the king recommended that he resign, which was accepted on February 28. The retired prime Minister secretly took refuge in the British mission building, where he stayed until May, and then was transferred to the United States. The reaction has exhausted its ability to stay in power. The King was forced to entrust the formation of a new government to Groza as one of the leaders of the NDF. On March 2, he invited him to the palace. Starting the conversation, Mihai said: he knows that the name of

21 Enemies of peace and freedom of peoples. Bucharest, 1952, pp. 28-29.

22 Scinteia, 13.II.1945.

23 Foreign Policy of the Soviet Union during the Patriotic War, vol. III, Moscow, 1947, p. 105.

24 Arhiva CC al PCR, f. 103, dos. 8496, pp. 28 - 31.

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Grozy is still on the pages of all the newspapers, and the demonstrators wear his portraits. At the end of the audience, the King asked for the composition of the new government to be presented to him in a few days. But Groza was just waiting for this moment; he handed the king a ready-made list of government members approved by the NDF council. The King did not expect such a turn of events. How could a candidate for the post of prime minister afford to immediately submit a list of members of the proposed government, without allowing the monarch to play a cross-party struggle for seats in it? After reviewing the list, Mihai found the composition of the government "unrepresentative", since the leaders of the leading bourgeois parties, J. Maniu and D. Bratianu, were not represented in it.

Intending to delay the approval of the new government, the king, in order to gain time for the implementation of his plans, sent emissaries to the American and British military missions with a request to intervene in the formation of the government. The former head of the British mission later recalled: "The King asked for help from the missions, who, sympathizing with him and feeling powerless, and also realizing that the king could not delay indefinitely, told Mihai that if they did not receive instructions by the evening (from the USA and England), then a thunderstorm should be appointed. Hour after hour, the king waited for messages, but they did not arrive." 25 London and Washington could not help the Romanian reaction: the Yalta Conference of the three Powers had just ended, and any interference in Romania's internal affairs would be a direct violation of the decisions taken in Crimea.

Meanwhile, the heat of political life in Bucharest was growing. On March 6, an NDF delegation led by communists demanded an audience with Mihai, during which they insisted on the immediate approval of the government headed by Petru Groza. An 800,000-strong demonstration of workers and peasants shook the Palace Square and surrounding streets. The King had no choice but to invite Groza on the same day and approve the composition of the new government presented by him. After more than six months of struggle, the People's Republic of China and the Farmers ' Front have finally established the first democratic government. This was the most important turn in the country's political life, the beginning of the restructuring of its entire social life. All the progressive political parties and major democratic organizations were represented in the Groza Government: the Communist, Social-Democratic Parties and the Farmers ' Front each received three ministerial portfolios. The new Government was the organ of the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the working class and the working peasantry. The participation of representatives of the liberal bourgeoisie in it did not change the overall social essence of the new government.

History shows that the new head of the Romanian government constantly criticized and exposed the anti-people policy of the previous regime, and condemned the hostile policy pursued by the bourgeois governments towards the Soviet Union. Only madmen, he said, could conduct such a policy, and as early as 1926 he proposed to establish good-neighborly relations with the great eastern neighbor .26 When he became Prime Minister, he relied primarily on the decisions of the Communist Party, and its leaders G. Gheorghiu-Dej, E. Bodneras and L. Patrascanu were his advisers. Taking into account the political orientation of the Communist Party leadership, Groza decided to proceed from the interests of the working class and the working peasantry in domestic policy, and to develop friendly relations with the Country of Soviets in foreign policy.

As head of government, Groza's talent as a major political and statesman was revealed. From the previous adventurous and hapless rulers of the country, he received a difficult inheritance. His government program, coordinated with the Communist Party, provided for the solution of urgent tasks: strict implementation of the Armistice Agreement, active participation in the war against nazi Germany, establishing close ties with the USSR and friendly relations with other states of the anti-Hitler coalition, carrying out agrarian reform, democratizing the state apparatus, reorganizing the army, bringing war criminals to justice, restoring the economy, cultural construction.

25 Lee A. G. Crown against the Siecle. The Story of King Michel of Rumania. Lnd. 1949, p. 110.

26 Groza P. In drum spre socialism, p. 206.

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The very next day after coming to power, Groza had a memorable meeting with the chairman of the Union Control Commission in Romania, Marshal of the Soviet Union R. J. Malinovsky. On behalf of the Soviet Government, the Marshal stated that the Soviet command was ready to resign its administrative functions in Northern Transylvania if the Romanian Government would guarantee order in the front-line rear. The government of Grozny gave such a guarantee.

An important event was the conclusion in May 1945 of the first Soviet-Romanian economic agreement27, which was very beneficial for Romania. Its validity period was set at five years. In carrying out this foreign policy action, Groza played an exceptional role as the initiator of sending an economic delegation headed by Finance Minister M. Durma to Moscow and the author of the Romanian proposals that formed the basis of the agreement. It was the basis of Soviet-Romanian cooperation in the reconstruction, development and restructuring of the main sectors of the Romanian economy for a number of years. At the same time, an agreement on trade turnover and payments for a period of 28 years was signed .

In the context of the new Romania's international economic isolation, fraternal Soviet aid was invaluable. The importance of this assistance was noted not only by the progressive press, but even by some organs of the opposition bourgeois parties. The political and business life of the country began to return to normal. The authority of the Groza government grew with each passing day. However, the reaction did not want to give up its positions and sought to destabilize the situation. Western imperialist circles also sought to overthrow the people's democratic regime. This was evidenced by the negative attitude of the United States and Britain to the proposal of the USSR to restore diplomatic relations with Romania. 29 In order to paralyze the reaction, on August 6, 1945, the Soviet government decided to establish such relations and exchange ambassadors .30 This encouraged Groza and upset the plans of the reactionaries. They tried to apply heavy pressure on the government. The king invited Groza to the palace and invited him to resign, saying that his government was not recognized by the United States and England. To this Groza replied: we were recognized by the Soviet Union, the country that bore the brunt of the war with the fascist aggressors and forced the capitulation of Germany, to which Romania was an ally; this should not be forgotten; as for the situation in the country, I can say authoritatively that we are supported by the overwhelming majority of the people, so I will not resign; we must govern the country, don't play changing cabinets 31 . After that, the Prime Minister turned and left the reception hall before the King could finish the audience ceremony.

The echo of this" audacity " reached Washington and London. On August 17, the Governments of the United States and Britain sent notes to the Romanian Foreign Ministry stating that these Powers did not recognize the political regime established in Romania and refused to negotiate a peace treaty with the existing Government .32 Groza rejected these notes, considering them "invalid and illegal", and informed the king about this. Then Mihai stopped contacting the government and refused to sign the bills he was working on. These actions went down in history as the "royal strike".

In September 1945, P. Groza made an official visit to Moscow. It was a difficult time for Romania: its industry was disorganized due to the drought

27 WUA OF the USSR, f. 189, op. 6-b, d. 1, l. 5.

28 Probleme economice, 1950, N 8, p. 8.

29 Correspondence of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR with the Presidents of the United States and the Prime Ministers of Great Britain during the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945. Vol. II. Moscow, 1957, doc. 327, 344.

30 Foreign policy of the Soviet Union during the Patriotic War, vol. III, pp. 359-360.

31 Vidrashku F. UK. soch., p. 272.

32 The same was expressed by the representatives of the United States and Britain at the London session of the Council of Foreign Ministers for the Elaboration of Peace Treaties in September 1945 (FRUS, 1945. Yol. 2. Washington, 1967, pp. 266-269, 304-305; WUA of the USSR, f. 454, op. 2, d. 1865, l. 278).

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the grain harvest was very low. Taking advantage of the difficulties, the reaction, led by the leaders of bourgeois parties, tried to destabilize the situation, openly hoping for the intervention of the United States and Britain in the internal affairs of the country. Groza believed that only Soviet aid could ease the situation. It was with such thoughts that he went to Moscow. The delegation he led included leading members of his Government.

The Soviet-Romanian high-level talks were held from 4 to 12 September. They were of an economic and political nature. Their goal was to strengthen the position of the progressive forces of Romania in the fight against internal reaction and the machinations of imperialism, and thus deprive the representatives of Washington and London of the opportunity to talk about the instability of the people's democratic regime and the unrepresentativeness of the Groza government. During his stay, the Prime Minister was twice received outside the program by the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, I. V. Stalin: on September 4 in the evening in the office in the presence of V. M. Molotov; on September 5 - at the Kremlin apartment. The conversation took place face-to-face, was conducted in German 33 and lasted from evening to early morning. The head of the CPSU (b) and the Soviet government was interested in all aspects of the life of the Romanian people and the alignment of political forces in the country. Since Romania was in a state of devastation and on the verge of starvation, Stalin considered it necessary to discuss first how to help the people's democratic regime to withstand the onslaught of reaction.

During the negotiations, numerous requests from members of the Romanian Delegation were carefully considered by the Soviet competent authorities. Taking into account the good faith fulfillment of the armistice conditions by the Government of Grozny, the Soviet government found it possible to provide Romania with a loan of 300 thousand tons of grain for the needs of its population, 34 although the USSR itself was then in dire need of food, and to supply from September 1945 to the end of 1946 a new batch of cotton the needs of the Romanian cotton industry. A number of other agreements were also concluded that were essential for the country's economic recovery, including a protocol reflecting Groza's request for a 1/3 reduction in Romania's debt to reimburse the value of property removed by the Romanian authorities from Soviet territory during the war36 (this saved the country $ 150 million), and increase the repayment period of this debt from three to six years.

Before leaving Moscow, Groza said in an interview with a Moscow radio correspondent:: "My colleagues and I found a deep understanding of the interests of our country in the Soviet government. Negotiations on a wide range of issues proceeded in a spirit of sincerity and full mutual trust... We are completely satisfied with the results of the visit. We have concluded a series of agreements with the Soviet Government that will further promote the consolidation of friendship and cooperation between our countries. " 37 Groza expressed his sincere gratitude to the Soviet Government for its assistance to Romania in a telegram sent from Bucharest to Stalin on September 18. The Soviet government's decision to send large-scale grain supplies to Romania brought joy to its working people. Reflecting his sentiments, a Romanian newspaper wrote:" It is no exaggeration to say that the generosity of the USSR is boundless. " 38 Those "whom we have attacked and whom we have robbed," the Romanian general's article emphasized, "give us bread and save us from starvation." 39 Even the leading organ of the National Liberal Party noted the importance of Soviet aid .40
The year 1946 was also poor in Romania. In this regard, the government of Grozny again turned to the USSR for help. Once again, the Land of Soviets responded to

33 Vidrashku F. UK. soch., p. 280.

34 Izvestiya, 13. IX. 1945.

35 WUA OF the USSR, f. 125, op. 28, d. 33, l. 20.

36 Ibid., op. 30, d. 53, l. 71.

37 Grоzа Р. Reconstructia Romaniei, 1944 - 1946. Bucuresti. 1946, pp. 140 - 141.

38 Semnalul, 14.IX.1945.

39 Scinteia, 17.IX. 1945.

40 Victoria, 18. IX. 1945,

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Example: in 1946 and in the spring of 1947, the USSR additionally supplied Romania with 180 thousand tons of grain. "At a time when famine is rampant all over the world," Groza said at a press conference ...our country is saved from this horror...It is no exaggeration to say that the Soviet Union's generosity to Romania is unprecedented. We are helped by the people whose blood we were involved in shedding; we are helped by the people who themselves are in great need as a result of the destruction caused by the Fascist invasion. For the first time, our people receive aid from abroad without any diktat, without bondage for the working people... For a long time now, our cities consume only Soviet bread. This is the truth that adults and children should know... The Soviet and Rumanian peoples are bound up in close friendship, and therefore all plans of reaction are doomed to failure. " 41
Taking into account the established friendly relations between Romania and the USSR, a significant contribution to the development of which was made by P. Groza, the Soviet Union considered it possible, in response to the request of the Romanian government, to positively resolve in June 1948 the issue of reducing the second half of reparations payments by 50%. In a freely convertible currency, the reduced share was $ 73.2 million .42 For Romania, which was ravaged by the Nazis, this represented a very significant economic aid. Groza's name is also associated with the conclusion of a number of subsequent economic and trade agreements with the USSR and agreements on providing them with scientific and technical assistance to Romania, which were of exceptional importance for the revival of its national economy. In his report dedicated to the 32nd anniversary of the Great October Revolution, the General Secretary of the RRP Central Committee, G. Gheorghiu-Dej, said on November 6, 1949:: "Without the Soviet Union, our progress towards socialism would have been unthinkable. Without the economic, political, and moral aid and support of the Soviet Union,.. we could lose the national independence and sovereignty of our state, as happened with the countries that were joined not by the Soviet Liberation Army, but by Anglo - American troops. We feel assistance in defending the independence of our country on a daily basis and in all circumstances. " 43
Groza's activities in other areas of politics were also fruitful. His Government, relying on the constant diplomatic support of the Soviet Union, actively defended the interests of its country at the Paris Peace Conference of 1946, seeking together with the USSR to conclude a peace treaty on a fair and democratic basis, without infringing on the sovereign rights of its country. This treaty entered into force on September 15, 1947. An outstanding event in the activities of Groza and his Government was the establishment by Romania of allied relations with the USSR.

The birth of the Romanian People's Republic after the abolition of the monarchy on December 30, 1947, took place at the height of the Cold War, in the midst of a tense political, ideological and economic struggle between socialism and capitalism. "We," Groza emphasized in his New Year's message to the people, "are entering 1948 at a time when the struggle between the progressive forces of democracy and peace and the forces of imperialism, which want to throw the peoples into a new world war, is becoming more acute." 44 Under these conditions, the military-political alliance with the USSR acquired special significance for the People's Republic of Romania, guaranteeing it favorable external conditions for the construction of socialism. The binding of this fraternal union by contractual obligations is also associated with the name of the Thunderstorm.

In order to conclude such an agreement, a Romanian government delegation headed by Groza arrived in Moscow on February 2, 1948. Its members included G. Gheorghiu-Dej (General Secretary of the RRP Central Committee, Minister of Industry and Trade) and other members of the Government. Upon the arrival of the delegation, Groza said: "We have come to Moscow again to cement and further strengthen the sincere friendship of our peoples... We are deeply grateful to the Soviet Union for its generous assistance and cooperation, which enabled us to begin the economic reconstruction of our country. " 45 The outcome of the negotiations, which took place in an atmosphere of peace and security.-

41 WUA OF the USSR, f. 125, op. 28, d. 33, l. 23.

42 Ibid., d. 39, l. 45.

43 Gheorghiu-Dej Gh. Articole si cuvintari, p. 273.

44 Scinteia, 1.I.1948.

45 Pravda, 3. II. 1948.

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On February 4, the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance between the USSR and the People's Republic of Belarus was signed. For Romania, it was signed by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers P. Groza 46 .

The significance of the Soviet-Romanian alliance for Romania was clearly demonstrated by the reaction of the Romanian public. A letter from the Romanian Embassy in Moscow, sent to the USSR Foreign Ministry on February 11, stated :" Upon returning from Moscow to their homeland, the Romanian government delegation headed by Prime Minister Dr. P. Groza met with grandiose, completely spontaneous popular demonstrations all the way to Bucharest... Upon arrival in the capital at 4 p.m. on February 10, hundreds of thousands of people greeted the delegation, expressing their sincere joy and satisfaction at the conclusion of the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance with the USSR, our great ally." 47 The rally on Privokzalnaya Square lasted three hours and was accompanied by shouts of " Long live the Soviet Union! Long live the Romanian-Soviet friendship!" The letter said that the information was received by phone from Bucharest from the head of government.

The policy of relying on the Soviet Union was clearly reflected in the Constitution of the Russian People's Republic 48, in the development of which Groza actively participated. He was a sincere friend of the Soviet Union, who highly appreciated everything that the USSR did for Romania. In Stalin's message to the Romanian Prime Minister on the occasion of the fourth anniversary of the conclusion of the Union Treaty, the head of the CPSU(b) and the Soviet Government first called Groza a comrade. For Petru Groza, as his friends testify, this was a source of joy. In this, he saw the highest assessment of his activities to strengthen and develop the Romanian-Soviet friendship. Despite being very busy, Groza was present at all political and cultural events in Bucharest related to the life of the Country of the Soviets. He was a regular guest of the Soviet embassy, attended all the solemn meetings dedicated to the anniversaries of the Great October Revolution and the victory of the USSR over Nazi Germany, personally opened the Romanian-Soviet Scientific Institute, warmly received Soviet military and industrial-economic delegations, representatives of science and culture, and during the days of Soviet culture in Bucharest, together with members of the government, attended performances of Soviet artists.

Groza's genuine interest in everything Soviet was clearly shown in his book " I Saw with my own eyes ?through the eyes of a Country of the World " 49 . This is the result of his recordings during a long trip to the USSR in the fall of 1951. Then he saw with his own eyes the scope of the creative activity of the Country of Soviets, visited industrial enterprises, collective farms and state farms, sanatoriums and medical institutions, pioneer palaces, theaters and art galleries, visited cities and architectural monuments revived from the ashes of the war, traveled along the Kuban steppes and the Volga-Don Canal. He tried to apply what he saw in the reconstruction of the national economy and the spiritual life of his native country. Groza was one of the leading promoters of strengthening Romania's friendly relations with other countries of popular democracy. This course was reflected in the conclusion of treaties of friendship, cooperation and mutual assistance with Bulgaria (January 1948), Hungary (January 1948), Czechoslovakia (July 1948), and Poland (January 1949).

The Groza government completed its agrarian reform, purged the state apparatus and army of fascist elements, and held parliamentary elections on a democratic basis in 1946 and 1948. In 1948, the first democratic constitution of the country was adopted and the nationalization of fixed assets of production was carried out. Since 1949, Romania's economy has been developing on a planned basis. In 1950, the first five-year plan was adopted. Groza devoted much energy to the restoration and development of the country's leading industries and agriculture, was closely associated with the working class and the peasantry, often traveled around the country, and was a welcome guest of workers and rural workers. The description of his personality will not be complete if we do not mention that he was a passionate connoisseur of art,

46 Foreign policy of the Soviet Union. The year is 1948. Documents and materials. Part I. M. 1950, pp. 51-55.

47 WUA OF the USSR, f. 125, op. 30, 3, l. 18.

48 Consiitutia Republicii Populare Romane. Bucuresti. 1952, p. 6.

49 Groza P. Arn vazut cu ochritara pacii. Vol. I. Bucuresti. 1955; vol. II. 1956.

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He was keenly interested in the country's cultural development, often met with cultural and scientific figures and knew many of them personally. His education allowed him to communicate freely with them. It also elevated him as a statesman.

The course pursued by the Groza Government provoked hostility from imperialist circles. The rulers of Western countries talked, and the corrupt press wrote about his " unrepresentativeness." When the United States and Britain recognized this government, Washington and London literally bombarded Bucharest with official representations about Romania's "violation" of the peace treaty and "human rights." 50 However, relying on Soviet diplomatic assistance and the support of the working people of his country, Groza and his Government rebuffed all these harassment .51
Groza's work as head of government and then head of state was most closely linked to the history of Romania in the first 14 post-war years. He headed its government until June 1952. Guided by the decisions of the RRP Central Committee and relying on the experience of the USSR, it triumphed over internal reaction and defended the independence of the people's democratic state against the onslaught of imperialist forces. As an ardent patriot of the motherland, Groza strongly supported the policy of the RRP on the national issue, seeking to establish the brotherhood of Romanians with other peoples of the country. "We," he said, "will make Romania one in which all citizens of the country, regardless of nationality or religious affiliation, will feel at home." 52 A man of clear mind and advanced views, Groza understood the historical role of the working class and regarded it as the main social force of the country.

In recognition of his special services to the country and the people, Petru Groza was elected Chairman of the Presidium of the Grand National Assembly on June 2, 1952. He performed his functions with honor and in the spirit of high responsibility for the assigned task. Although Groza was not a member of the RRP, he enjoyed great prestige and trust in the working class and among Communists .53 The fraternal contacts between the leadership of the RRP and Groza were a symbol of the unity of will and actions of communists and non-partisans, all working people, all those who fought for the prosperity and progress of socialist Romania. "Dr. Petru Groza," the official organ of the Central Committee of the RCP emphasized, " tirelessly fought for the implementation of the Communist Party's policy in the restoration and development of the Romanian economy, in the democratic transformation of the country and the construction of socialism. He made a great contribution to preparing the conditions for the abolition of the monarchy and the creation of the Romanian People's Republic. " 54
With his passing away on January 7, 1958, the Romanian people suffered a heavy loss. "Being a sincere and devoted friend of the Soviet Union," the obituary of the Central Committee of the RRP and the Council of Ministers of the RPR said, " Petru Groza fought with all his passion for strengthening fraternal relations between the Romanian people and the peoples of the Soviet Union, seeing in this a guarantee of the country's economic and socio-cultural development, raising the welfare of the people, and reliable protection of our national independence and sovereignty " 55 . Already seriously ill, but not losing his presence of mind, on November 5, 1957, as head of state, he made a speech on the radio dedicated to the 40th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, noting its exceptional significance for the fate of Romania and all mankind. A few days before his death, he addressed the nation with a New Year's message 56, in which he again praised the historical and international role of the USSR.

50 Foreign policy of the Soviet Union. 1949 year. Documents and materials, Moscow, 1953, pp. 108-111.

51 Interpretation des traites de paix avec Roumanie, Bulgarie et Hongrie. Leyden. 1950, p. 29.

52 Scinteia, 7.I.1968.

53 Gheorghiu-Dej Gh. Articole si cuvintari, 1955 - 1959. Bucuresti. 1959, p. 354.

54 Analele, 1968, N 1, p. 34.

55 Scinteia, 8.I.1958.

56 Ibid., 3.I.1958.

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