Zaroui Pogossian

State and Religion: Foundation and Patronage of Monasteries as a Method of Territory Control in 9th c. Armenia

Zaroui Pogossian - Lecturer at John Cabot University and John Felice Rome Center, Loyola University (Rome, Italy). zpogossian@johncabot.edu

The article explores the relationship between the patronage of monasteries and territory control in Greater Armenia in the second half of the 9th century based on the study of three cases. The first is the foundation of the Monastery of Sevan by Princess Mariam Bagratid and the renowned ascetic Mastoc' in 871. It is suggested that this and other monastic foundations around Lake Sevan (Gelark'unik' territory) were a means of extending Bagratid influence, if not yet full control, on this neighboring region ruled by the Siwnids. The other two examples focus on the region of Vaspurakan and the patronage of Monasteries Hogeac' and Varag by Arcrunid princes. The geopolitical situation here was different. Arcrunis generally followed a centrifugal policy in relation to the Bagratid kings, partly because at that time they had no direct borders with central Bagratid territories. By establishing good relations and supporting the famous monasteries, the Arcrunids consolidated their grip in their newly conquered territories.

Keywords: Bagratids, Arcrunids, medieval Armenia, Armenian Church, patronage of monasteries, religion, hagiography, monasteries and territory control.

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Historical overview

The second half of the 9th century is one of the brightest periods in the history of medieval Armenia, a period of cultural prosperity, stability, prosperity, and favorable economic and political conditions. After the revolt of the Armenian princes in 850, directed against tax increases by the Abbasid Caliphate, some Naharari dynasties not only managed to repel the punitive expeditions of Bughi al - Kabir, one of the most important generals of the Caliph al-Mutawakkil, in 851-855, but also strengthened their positions by adhering to the policy of internal independence and organizing versatile control over their territories. This applied both to those possessions that had belonged to these clans for centuries, and to those that were taken away from other Armenian Naharars, small and exhausted, or from Muslim (mainly Arab or Kurdish) tribes who settled in different parts of Greater Armenia starting from the 7th century. 1 One of the punitive measures taken by the Buga al-Kabir, was the capture of senior members of the most influential aristocratic families, whom he sent into captivity in 855. to Samarra, then the capital of the Caliphate. Only after the assassination of the Caliph al-Mutawakkil in 861 and the subsequent political chaos in Syria-

1. The revolts of 850-855 are described by a historian of the late 9th - early 10th centuries. Tovmoy Artsruni: [Tovmoy Artsruni and his anonymous successor, The history of the Artsruni family]/Edited by V. Vardanyan. Yerevan: Yerevan University Press, 1985. P. G94_338. The main attention is paid to the genus Artsruni. The same events are covered by another tenth-century author, Catholicos John Draskhanakertzi: [History of the Armenian People of John Catholicos Draskhanakertzi], Tiflis, 1912, 118-135. For a detailed analysis of the situation, see: Ter-Gevondyan A. N. Armenia and the Arab Caliphate, Yerevan: Publishing House of the Academy of Sciences of the Armenian SSR, 1977. pp. 138-150, for a general outline, see also Garsoi'an, N. (1997) " The Arab Invasions and the Rise of the Bagratuni (640-884)", in R. G. Hovannisian (ed.) The Armenian People From Ancient to Modern Times, vol. 1: The Dynastic Period: From Antiquity to the Fourth Century, pp. 117 - 142. New York: St. Martin's Press; B. Martin-Hisard (2007) "Domination arabe et libertes armeniennes (VII - IX siecle)", in G Dedeyan (ed.) Histoire du peuple armenien, pp. 213 - 235. Paris: Edition Privat; N. Garsoi'an et J. - M. Thierry (2007) "L'independance retrouvee: royaume du nord et royaume du sud (IX-X siecle), in G. Dedeyan (ed.) Histoire du peuple armenien, pp. 243 - 274. Paris: Edition Privat. The geographical and political concepts of "Armenia" or "Greater Armenia" were repeatedly changed during the Middle Ages. For the purposes of this article, the term "Greater Armenia" refers to "Bagratid Armenia" and covers all territories that were at least de jure subject to the Bagratid King Ashot I after his coronation in 884.

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After the Abbasid State, many of them were able to return to their homeland.2 Among the most influential dynasties that consolidated their power during the second half of the ninth century were the Bagratids in the north, in Shirak, where the ruined Nahararian Kamsarakan family had previously ruled, and in the west, in Taron, where the Mamikonian dynasty had previously reigned, which had already lost its influence in the second half of the eighth century. In the south-east, the ancient family of Artsrunids was strengthened, which expanded its territories at the expense of the weakened Rshtunids and the princes of the Moks and Anzevatsik regions, as well as several Muslim emirs, to Lake Van 3. The Sunid dynasty came to power in Syunik at the beginning of the 9th century, which, in turn, tried to pursue a policy independent of its too aggressive neighbors - the Artsrunids in the southwest, the Bagratids in the north, and the Sajis in the southeast, in Azerbaijan. The expansion of these dynasties ' possessions naturally led to conflicts not only with the smaller Naharari clans that had lived and ruled in the same territories for centuries, but also with the larger dynasties. At the same time, Muslim political units appeared on the lands of the former Armenian Naharars. The Kaisites, whose center of power was the city of Manazkert (Manasjird), settled in the Apahunik region (Bajunais of Arab springs) in the north of Lake Van 4. On the shores of Lake Van, they also owned the cities of Hlat (Hilat) and Artzke (Zat al-Jauz). From the center in the city of Amid, the Shaibani family expanded their possessions from the eastern shore of Lake Van to the city of Datvan (Taitavan), where they encountered the Artsrunids. The Zurarids of Artsn (Arzan), on the other hand, pursued a more flexible policy, establishing dynastic marriages with both the Shaibani family and the Armenian Bagratids and Artsrunids. The Usmanids, who had previously settled in Berkri (Bargiri) in the north-east of Lake Van, reached Mount Varag, where the famous Varag Monastery was located, which kept a particle of the True Cross. The city of Dvin (Dabil) was the administrative center of the caliphate in Armenia, later the administrative center of the Khilafah.

2. For details of the murder of al-Mutawakkil and the subsequent violent events in the center of the Abbasid State, see Kennedy, H. (2004) The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates. The Islamic Near East from the Sixth to the Eleventh Century, pp. 169 - 171. 2nd edn. Harlow: Pearson Longman.

3. See map N93 in Hewsen, R. (2001) Armenia: A Historical Atlas. Chicago-London: The University of Chicago Press.

4. Ter-Ghevondyan, A. (1976) The Arab Emirates in Bagratid Armenia, pp. 26, 51 - 6. Transl. by N. Garsoian. Lisbon: Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation.

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The center was moved to the city of Partav (Bardaa). Dvin had a mixed population consisting of Muslims, Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians, and was an important trading center, playing a significant role in the regional economy. According to geographer al-Istakhri, the main mosque in Dvina was located next to the cathedral 5. In the late 9th - early 10th centuries, the largest Muslim rulers in the South Caucasus territories were the Sajis of Iranian Azerbaijan. Like the Armenian princes, they sometimes pursued an independent policy towards the Caliphate, but sometimes acted as vicegerents of the Caliphate, demanding submission from the Armenian princes. 6 Various diplomatic measures were taken to ease tensions and the likelihood of conflicts, such as inter-dynastic marriages or, as we will see later, the foundation or restoration of the Caliphate. monasteries in key strategic locations.

In the ninth century, the Abbasid Caliphate was in a difficult position: it was weakened by the increasingly aggressive military policy of the Byzantine Empire, which was ruled by the Macedonian dynasty, and due to its internal problems. In the north of Armenia, he was unable to resist the consolidation of the Bagratids, who tried to establish centralized power over all Armenian lands. As a result, the caliphate resorted to conflict-free methods of subjugating the Armenian princes, causing disagreements between the Armenian Naharars and setting some clans against others. Thus, in 884, Prince Ashot (V) Bagratuni (prince in 855-884 and king in 884-890), who was recognized as the prince of Armenia for 25 years, received the crown from Caliph al-Mutamid (870-892). The elevation of Ashot's status was soon recognized by the Byzantine Emperor Basil I (867-886) .7 In Armenian sources, King Ashot

5. Ter-Ghevondyan, A. (1976) The Arab Emirates in Bagratid Armenia, p. 204.

6. Ibid., 66 - 70; Bosworth, С. E. (2013) "Sadjids", Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C. E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W. P. Heinrichs. Brill Online (accessed 22.07.2013).

7. Ter-Ghevondyan, The Arab Emirates, pp. 59 - 60. The title "prince of princes" is a literal translation of the Armenian ishkhanats shikhan, which appears in Arabic sources as and in Byzantine sources-as the use of the title and its diplomatic significance is considered in the work [Yuzbashyan K. N. "Armenia" of the Bagratid era" in the international legal aspect"] / /[Historical and Philological Journal]. 1975. N 1. pp. 33-53.

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I Bagratid is referred to as the first Bagratit king of "all Armenians". Only 24 years later, in 908, Ashot's grandson (son of his daughter Sophie and Prince Grigor-Derenik of Vaspurakan) Prince Gagik of Vaspurakan received the crown from the caliph's viceroy, the ruler of Azerbaijan Yusuf b. Abi-s-Saj (901 - 919), and later directly from Caliph al-Muqtadir in 916 and 919 In 924, the Byzantine Empire recognized his status as 8. As the first king of Vaspurakan, Gagik probably harbored hopes of becoming "king of all Armenians", even coming into conflict with his maternal uncle, King Smbat Bagratuni, but never received such an honor 9. Syunik princes also claimed the royal throne, and the Kingdom of Syunik was proclaimed in the 970s or in 987.10

But despite the fact that the Bagratids considered themselves the kings of "all Armenians", their real centralized power and control over the Armenian territories were limited. They often faced the claims of other Armenian princes, especially the Artsrunids and the princes of Syunik, who were equal to them in political and military relations. To reinforce his position, Ashot Bagratid wisely implemented the dynastic marriages of his daughters. One of them, Sophie, married Grigor-Derenik, Prince of Vaspurakan, and the other, Mariam, married Vasak Gabur, Prince of Gegharkunik in Syunik. This happened back in the 60s of the IX century, before Ashot was proclaimed king.

However, along with dynastic alliances, there were other ways to control the lands from which we grew up.-

8. Tovma Artsruni. History, Pp. 442-444.

9. John Draskhanakertzi. History, pp. 236-237-For a critical analysis of Gagik's conflict with Tsar Smbat, see [V. Vardanyan. Vaspurakan Kingdom of the Artsrunids 908-1021]. Yerevan: Yerevan University Press. pp. 79-81, 88, 93. G. Maksudyan, who translated the" History " of John into English, convincingly proved that Gagik Artsruni received the title from the Byzantine court in 924. This title was transferred to him instead of King Ashot (III) Yerkata Bagratuni. См. К. Maksoudian (ed. and comm.) (1987) Yovhannes Drasxanakertc'i. History of Armenia, p. 23. Atlanta: Scholars Press.

10. For various dates of this event, see: [Utmazyan G. M., Syunik in the IX-X centuries]. Yerevan: Yerevan University Press, p. 134 and [Hakobyan T. H. The Kingdom of Syunik in its historical and geographical understanding]. Yerevan: Mitk Publishing House, p. 58. Authors tend to accept early dating. Garsoyan considers 987 a "possible date" for the foundation of the kingdom. See Garsoian, "The Arab Invasions", p. 197.

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We look at three examples of the founding and patronage of monasteries - one in the Gegharkunik principality of Syunik province and two in Vaspurakan-paying special attention to the significantly different attitude of local princes and Bagratid kings to these institutions. Monasteries undoubtedly played an important spiritual and cultural role in the life of medieval Armenia, but their significance was not limited to this. The founding of monasteries and their patronage also served to ease potential military and political tensions by creating neutral territorial enclaves. They provided a real link between the local population and the secular rulers of these territories. In addition, through land grants, monasteries were given the opportunity to make better use of agricultural resources and participate in international transit trade, for example, when merchants were provided with shelter and overnight accommodation, as we will show below 11.

Monastery of Sts. The Apostles on oz. Sevan

According to the sources that have come down to us, the monastery of sts. Built on the island (now a peninsula) of Lake Sevan between 871 and 874, 12 it is one of the first religious institutions founded by the combined efforts of the Bagratids and Sunids of Ge-

11. Mutually beneficial relations between secular rulers and monasteries located on their territories, especially in terms of the exploitation of agricultural resources, were studied in particular by G. M. Grigoryan. (1973) [Grigoryan G. M. Monastic land ownership of Syunik in the IX-XIII centuries]. Yerevan: Publishing House of the Academy of Sciences of the Armenian SSR, pp. 64-70 and 100-126.

12. The year 871 is given in the colophon of a manuscript written in 893 by Monk Stepanos from the same monastery, according to him, "22 years after the construction of the monastery". See (1988) [Memorial records of Armenian manuscripts of the V-XII centuries./Edited by A. S. Matevosyan]. Yerevan: Publishing House of the Academy of Sciences of the Armenian SSR. P. 43. According to an inscription in the Church of Our Lady in the monastery, the date of foundation is 874. See Mnatsakanian, S., Vahramian, H. et al. (eds) (1987) Sevan: Hayravank' / Noraduz / Batikian / Hatsarat / Masruts Anapat / Shoghagavank' / Vanevan / Kot'avank' / Makenotsats. (Documenti di architettura armena, vol. XVIII). Collana diretta da Agopik e Armen Manoukian. Milano: Ares, pp. 11 - 12. Unfortunately, this entry is not published in the book. Nevertheless, some scholars accept the date 874 as the year of the monastery's foundation. Maksoudian, K. (1990/91) "A Note on the Monasteries Founded during the Reign of King Abas I Bagratuni", Revue des Etudes Armeniennes 22: 213 и 214; Mahe, J. - P. et Mahe A. (ed. et trad.) (2000) Gregoire de Narek. Tragedie. Matean olbergut'ean. Le Livre de Lamentation, p. 8. (Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 583. Subsidia 106). Leuven: Peeters. It is possible that 871 and 874 indicate the start and end dates of construction.

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harkunika. There are two main sources that tell about the foundation of the Sevan monastery. The first of these is the colophon of a manuscript written in 893 by the monk Stepanos 13. Stepanos was a disciple of Mashtots, and his colophon, in fact, is the life of Mashtots, the first abbot of this monastery. The second source is the "History of the Sisakan Region", written by the famous historian Stepanos Orbelian, Archbishop of Syunik in the late 13th century. 14 Comparing them, we are convinced that Orbelian mainly relied on the Life of Mashtots, but he also provides some other data.15 According to the Life of Mashtots, he was from a "family of priests" from Yeghvard, a village in the east of Lake Sevan, who served in the church of St. John the Baptist. Theodora 16. He was born around 834/5 in Sotka, south of Lake Sevan, where his family came from Yeghvard "because of the cruelty of the Tajiks"17.Mashtots ' first teacher of "divine sciences" was his father, 18 and after his father's death, he entered the Makenots Monastery, or Makenotsats Bank, one of the most famous monasteries in medieval Armenia, where he became an expert on the Holy Scriptures. 19 According to the Life of Mashtots, around 86o he began to lead a hermit's life and became famous for his piety. We do not know when he settled on the island of Sevan, and whether there was already a community of ascetics there before his arrival, but when Princess Mariam appealed to him in 871 to establish a new monastery, he was already there

13. Memorial records, pp. 40-43. Further: The Life of Mashtots.

14. [History of Sisakan province by Stepanos Orbelian, Archbishop of Syunik]. Tiflis, 1910. p. 173.

15. For a more detailed comparison of these sources, see Pogossian, Z. (2012) "The Foundation of the Monastery of Sevan: A Case Study on Monasteries, Economy and Political Power in IX-X Century Armenia", in L. Ermini Pani (a cura di). Le Valli del Monad: Atti del Convegno internazionale di studio, Roma-Subiaco, 17 - 19 maggio 2010, vol. 1, pp. 192 - 197. Spoleto: Centro Italiano di Studi sull'Alto Medioevo.

16. Memorial Records, p. 41. According to Khachatryan, this refers to the seventh-century Church of St. Zoravor (Warrior, i.e. Theodore), located near the present-day village of Yeghvard on the eastern shore of Lake Sevan. Khatchatrian, A. (1974) Inscriptions et histoire des eglises armeniennes, pp. 40 - 41. (Ricerca sull'architettura armena, 8). Milano: Istituto di Materie Umanistiche, Facolta di Architettura del Politecnico di Milano.

17. In medieval Armenian sources, "Tajiks" meant first Arabs, and later any Muslims in general.

18. Memorial records, p. 41.

19. Makenots Monastery is described in Sevan, p. 17; see also Cuneo, P. (1988) Architettura Armenia, pp. 378-379. No. 191. Roma: De Luca.

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on the island 20. It is important to note that the contemporary Life of Mashtots suggests that the foundation of the Kinovit monastery was conceived by Princess Mariam "to save the soul of her husband Vasak". Mashtots himself initially resisted this, regarding hermithood as the highest way of spiritual life. Stepanos Orbelian presents the development of events differently 21. He assigns Mashtots the main role in the foundation of the monastery, adding some details, however, clearly of a legendary nature. He claims, for example, that Mashtots dreamed of the twelve apostles appearing on the surface of Lake Sevan, after which the holy man interpreted this dream as an incentive to build a monastery dedicated to them. Immediately after this dream, "Princess Mariam, prompted by a higher power," appeared with a request for permission to build a monastery on island 22.

Here the question logically arises, what is the connection between Princess Mariam, the Gegharkunik region, and the patronage of the monastery of sts. The Apostles on Lake Sevan and the Bagratid kings with their policy of centralization and land control. Gegharkunik principality was part of the" country "of Syunik, the north of which was bordered by the Bagratids' Ayrarat possessions. Moreover, Lake Sevan, which in the sources bears the name Gegharkunik, almost entirely lay on the territory of Gegharkunik, but its northern edge, where the island was located, belonged to the Ayrarat region of the Bagratid possessions.23 Under the rule of Sahak Suny, Prince of Syunik, Gegharkunik became an independent territorial unit in 821. [24] His grandson Vasak Gabur, the husband of Princess Mariam, was one of the chief princes of Syunik during 851 - 859, 25 while other branches of this family ruled the Syunik territories in the south and east of Gegharkunik.

Ashot Bagratuni tried to pursue a peaceful policy. As already mentioned, the marriages of his daughters Mariam to Vasak Gabur and Sofi to Grigor-Derenik served these political goals. Thanks to the historian John Draskhanakertzi (X century) , we know that the alliance with Vasak Gabur proved to be more solid than the previous one.

20. Memorial records, p. 41.

21. Ibid.

22. Stepanos Orbelian. History. S. 173 - 174 - 23. See map N98 in: Hewsen, Armenia.

24. Utmazyan. Syunik in the IX-X centuries. pp. 30-34.

25. Ibid., pp. 310-311.

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with the rebellious Grigor-Derenik Artsruni, Prince of Vaspurakan 26. Grigor-Derenik's independent policy, which was reflected in his efforts to strengthen the independence of the monasteries of Vaspurakan, was continued by his son Gagik. Probably due to his loyalty to Ashot Bagratid, Vasak Gabur received the title of Senior Prince of Syunik. 27 Moreover, Gegharkunik did not suffer at all from the campaigns of Bughi al-Kabir in 851-855, most likely due to the positive intervention of Ashot Bagratuni.28 Vasak Gabur died unexpectedly in the prime of life in 859, and power passed to his wife Mariam, as regent for their young sons Grigor Supan, Sahak and Vasak.29
We have no direct information about who owned the island of Sevan either in 871, the year of the monastery's foundation, or earlier, when the hermit Mashtots decided to move there. But it was clearly located in the border zone between the Bagratids ' territories and Gekharkunik, over which the Bagratids, of course, would like to have full control. Thanks to the active role of Princess Mariam, daughter of Ashot Bagratuni and at the same time ruler of Gegharkunik, possible conflicts were prevented. Subsequently, Ashot himself became a generous donor to the monastery, granting him land and a precious Byzantine liturgical cross. It is these gifts that give us the opportunity to appreciate the importance that Ashot attached to the monastery not only from a spiritual, but also from a political and strategic point of view.

From the Life of Mashtots, we learn that after some campaign against the "robbers" on the banks of the Kura River, probably in 882, i.e. two years before Ashot was proclaimed king, the Bagratid prince and his army reached the northern shore of Lake Sevan, camping directly opposite the island of the same name.30 We do not know what his goals were, whether he wanted to discuss the possibility of proclaiming himself king, or whether he wanted to settle the conflict between Mashtots and the then Catholicos Gevorg Garnetsi, who accused Mashtots of sympathizing with Chalcedonism-

26. John Draskhanakertzi. History. p. 127.

27. Utmazyan (Syunik in the IX-X centuries, pp. 86-87) suggests this on the basis of a detailed analysis of sources.

28. Ibid.

29. Ibid., p. 311.

30. Memorial records, p. 42.

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mu 31. We have no sources to answer these questions from. But we can appreciate the attitude of Ashot to the monastery of Sts. The Holy Apostles ' visit to Lake Sevan and the great importance he attached to it. So, we learn that after our arrival in Banakatehi (lit., "place of the army") Ashot expressed his desire to meet the holy man. Here is how the monk Stepanos, the author of the Life, describes this meeting::

When they saw each other, the joy of both was great. Then the pious Prince Ashot of Armenia, who later became king, honored him with great love and received him magnificently. He gave the blessed Father Mashtots eternal light, which was given to him by the King of the Greeks Basil. Rising to his feet and weeping, he brought the holy cross, which was set with gold and elaborately decorated with pearls, to his eyes, and kissed it. And the prince, bowing down to his right hand, kissed his glorious face. Then they talked to each other for a long time about faith and many other subjects, and said goodbye to each other. The prince went on his way, and he returned to his monastery 32.

As shown above, Ashot deeply revered Mashtots. Even if we take into account the rhetorical turns of the text, it can be argued that Ashot wanted to impress Mashtots and establish favorable relations with him and with the person he led

31. We know about this conflict from a Letter to Abas Sparapet written by Mashtots in 890 and preserved in the History of John Draskhanakertzi, pp. 148-157.

32. Memorial records, p. 42.

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a monastery. The gift of the Byzantine liturgical cross further enhanced the prestige of the monastery and its sacred relics, giving it an aura of imperial patronage through Ashot.

But Ashot didn't stop there, even if it was a precious gift. He gave the monastery villages, hunting income in the Kratskin33 area, as well as gardens in Garni, Yerevan, and other unspecified localities.34 These villages either previously belonged to Ashot on the northern shore of Lake Sevan, or were acquired from the Syunik princes of Gegharkunik and donated to the monastery.35 On the other hand, the gardens in Garni and Yerevan were certainly located on Bagratid territory, not close to the monastery. We do not know how these lands were administered by the monastery, but it is clear that through these gifts Ashot established economic ties, and perhaps even dependence, between Gegharkunik and the central Bagratid possessions, combining them into one and the same economic unit.

Thus, the monastery on Sevan Island acquired the necessary funds to become one of the famous spiritual and cultural centers of Armenia, controlling and using the lands and their resources. Let's note one more detail from the visit to Ashot. It has been pointed out that his troops were stationed in the area of Banakatehi, i.e., in the "place of the army"36. It is possible that this name indicates that a military camp may have been located in this area. Indeed, Ashot arrived there with his army. This means that the Banakatekhi area was connected to the northern regions of Armenia and Georgia by a fairly good road, along which troops could move, and not only them. This becomes even more likely if we recall that before 701-702 there was a fortress on the island of Sevan, which was destroyed by the commander Muhammad ibn Marwan.37 Its remains could have been used for the construction of the monastery buildings, although the complete lack of archaeological data does not allow us to say-

33. This somewhat strange toponym is considered by Utmazyan. Utmazyan. Syunik in the IX-X centuries. p. 161.

34. Stepanov Orbelian. History. p. 174.

35. Unfortunately, sources do not provide more specific information about the location of these properties.

36. Memorial records, p. 42.

37. John Draskhanakertzi. History. pp. 93-94; Ter-Gevondyan A. N. Armenia and the Arab Caliphate. pp. 73, dates this expedition to 701-702.

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We can say this with complete confidence. Nevertheless, the island of Sevan and the newly built monastery of Sts. The Apostolic Church did not lose its military and strategic importance at the turn of the IX-X centuries. It was here that Princess Mariam and her sons Sahak and Vasak found refuge from the persecution of the ruler of Azerbaijan Yusuf 38 in 910. Yusuf laid siege to the island, forcing Mariam and her sons to secretly cross the lake at night and flee to the Mirapore region, where Mariam died. Subsequently, Yusuf's troops sacked the monastery.

For Ashot, the military and strategic importance of the monastery should have been obvious. If the island of Sevan was connected to the outside world through a well-established road, along which not only troops moved, but probably also trade caravans, the economic potential of the monastery must also have been significant. In fact, the international trade routes that connected Partav and Dvin passed along the eastern shores of Lake Sevan39. Not only the monastery of Sts. Some of the villages of the Holy Apostles were located on the island, but others that were built in the X century by Mariam's son Grigor Supan, such as Makenots or Kotavank, were located on the caravan roads that connected the Ararat Valley and the Artsakh region with the lower course of the Kura River. Moreover, trade routes passed through the entire Gegharkunik principality, bypassing the shores of Lake Sevan. Thus, it is necessary to note the connection between the development of international transit trade, which passed through the territory of Northern Armenia at the turn of the IX-X centuries, and the creation of new Kinovite monasteries. They were built by Armenian Naharars all over the territory of Greater Armenia, as a new type of more liquid capital appeared due to trade during this period of time.40 Donation of villages and gardens to the monastery of sts. Apostolov points out that the monks were able to conduct quite complex economic activities, exploiting the agricultural resources of these lands. At the same time, the patronage of the monastery by King Ashot Ozna-

38. John Draskhanakertzi. History. pp. 228-230; Utmazyan. Syunik in the IX-X centuries. pp. 109-111.

39. Utmazyan. Syunik in the IX-X centuries. pp. 243-244. On the significance of these cities for international transit trade, see Manandyan, H. (1955) Tfte Trade and Cities of Armenia in Relation to Ancient World Trade, pp. 143-147 and 159-163. Garsoian, N. (trans.) Lisbon: Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation.

40. The economic upswing of the second half of the ninth and early tenth centuries is explored by Manandyan. See Manandyan, The Trade and Cities, pp. 136-155.

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It meant that these territorial units were ruled by Ashot's "allies", or so-called clients.

Political relations between the state and monastic institutions were also of great importance. In our particular case, it is interesting to identify the role that Abbot Mashtots played in the struggle for the throne between Smbat (King in 890-914 - X son of King Ashot I, and Abas Sparapet, the king's brother, after Ashot's death in 890). A letter to Abas Sparapet, 41 written by Mashtots in the same year, 42 has come down to us. Catholicos Gevorg Garnetsi, who later crowned Smbat, acted as an intermediary between Smbat and Abbas, supporting Smbat's candidacy. Abas decided to turn to Mashtots. From the Letter to Abas, we learn that Abas reminded Mashtots of the conflict between him and Catholicos Gevorg over the Council of Chalcedon. He also promised to raise Mashtots to the throne of Catholicos if he supported him in the struggle for power. The very fact that Abas turned to Mashtots, hoping for his support, speaks to Mashtots ' political influence and fame, despite the fact that both his Life and Stepanos Orbelian emphasize his hermithood and withdrawal from the world. Support for the candidacy of Smbat, son of Ashot I, rather than Abas, indicates that Mashtots remained a loyal ally or client of King Ashot even after his death. In the end, the differences were resolved peacefully, as Abas failed to find enough supporters and recognized Smbat I as the legitimate king. Thus, the abbot of a well-off monastery with royal patronage was able to compete with the highest authority of the Armenian Church, i.e., with the Catholicos, and even influence political events at the level of the royal palace. Mashtots was elected Catholicos in 897, but died a few months later.

Cooperation, if not rivalry, for the patronage of the monastery of Sts. Between the Bagratids and the Sunids, it should have been advantageous for both sides. Subsequent examples of joint efforts to establish monasteries in the principality of Gegharkunik show that the royal dynasty did not lose interest in this area. Immediately after construction-

41. Sparapet is a military rank in medieval Armenia. It corresponded to the position of the supreme commander-in-chief of the army.

42. See note 31.

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Princess Mariam, the head of the monastery in Sevan, built the Church of St. Peter in the village of Shokhvaga, on the southern shore of Lake Sevan. She used her own funds to purchase two villages belonging to Muslim rulers and gave them to the Church, freeing their inhabitants from all "worldly taxes." 43 Mariam was buried in this church in 910 after fleeing from the persecution of Yusuf, as mentioned above. In this case, we are dealing with the interreligious aspect of the new ecclesiastical regulations, which allowed the acquisition of estates and land in a peaceful manner. The exemption of church institutions from taxes once again confirms their importance for the local economy, as it created independent and profitable economic units in the Naharari territories, which were not taxed either by the central Armenian authorities of the Bagratids, or, in all likelihood, by the Muslim rulers, judging by the fact that the latter themselves sold them. Mariam villages. At the end of the 9th century, Princess Mariam's son Grigor Supan built a church and monastery in the village of Kot and gave them extensive land, freeing them from taxes. Both Grigor and his mother Mariam had to agree with the Bagratids to be exempt from taxes, since the privilege of collecting taxes from all over Armenia for the Abbasid Caliphate was granted in 862 to Ashot Bagratid. 44 The geographical location of the village of Kot at the crossroads of trade routes once again underlines the importance of monasteries for the local and international economy.45
The restoration of the Makenots Monastery before 900 is another important example of a re-foundation, not only because Makenots was a well-known cultural and spiritual center before the 9th century, where Abbot Mashtots himself studied, but also because it was located on the central trade route connecting Partav and Dvin.46 Like the monastery on Lake Sevan, Makenots also received land grants, such as "villages, fields and gardens in Yerevan, Garni, Yeghegis and other places"47. Grigor Supan poda-

43. Stepanov Orbelian. History. p. 174.

44. John Draskhanakertzi. History. p. 133.

45. Sevan, p. 14.

46. Utmazyan. Syunik in the IX-X centuries. pp. 243-234; Manandyan, The Trade and Cities, pp. 143-147 and pp. 159-163.

47. Stepanov Orbelian. History. p. 179.

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ryl to the monastery " five shops in Ani 48, five gardens in Yerevan, five hundred [small? 49 gardens in Garni and two gardens in Yeghegis " 50. Shops in Ani, gardens in Yerevan and Garni were located in Bagratid territory. It follows from this that the model of establishing economic ties in contact zones between two Naharari possessions through donations to monasteries, which we noted in the case of the monastery of sts. It was also applied in other cases. This relationship not only linked Gegharkunik to Ayrart economically, but also served to strengthen the centralized power of the Bagratids and their control over Gegharkunik.

By the beginning of the tenth century, Princess Mariam, the founder of the monastery on Lake Sevan, had gained unprecedented experience in founding and building monasteries. In 903, her brother Shapuh Sparapet 51 asked her to build the Vanevan Monastery on the southern shore of Lake Sevan. And here it is important to note the territorial significance of the monastery. There is no doubt that the southern shore of Lake Sevan completely belonged to the Gegharkunik region. Undoubtedly, in order to build a new monastery, Shapukh had to purchase land in this area in advance. It is interesting that Shapukh decided to build it not on his hereditary, i.e. Bagratid lands, but in Gekharkunik. This fact can be interpreted not as another example of interaction between Bagratids and Sunids, but, most likely, as a Bagratid encroachment on the territory of Gekharkunik, albeit in a peaceful way. In this case, we are dealing with a competition between patrons for the control of the monasteries they established over the territories. But Mariam also played a significant role here, being an intermediary between the Bagratids and the Sunids. As in the case of the monastery on Lake Sevan, by giving land to monasteries, rather than seizing them by force of arms, secular rulers made them neutral zones, preventing possible military methods of fighting for territories and their resources.

48. The original version uses the term /kuhpak.

49. An unusual combination is used here / aru aigi, literally meaning "garden-stream". Since there are a large number of them (500!), we can assume that they meant small gardens, maybe really located near the streams.

50. Stepanov Orbelian. History. p. 179.

51. Ibid., pp. 181-183.

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Hogeats and Varag Monasteries in Vaspurakan

Moving from Syunik to Vaspurakan, we will see a completely different geopolitical and religious situation. As mentioned above, the Artsrunids of Vaspurakan had a much more free-thinking policy towards the Bagratids. Here, first of all, it is important that their territories did not border on each other. The Abbasid Caliphate and, later, the Byzantine Empire took advantage of the rivalry between the Artsrunids and Bagratids. Contrary to the centralization policy of King Smbat Bagratid, Gagik's maternal uncle, in 908 the ruler of Azerbaijan Yusuf crowned Gagik King of Vaspurakan, which was confirmed by Caliph al-Muqtadir himself in 916.

During the punitive expeditions of Bughi al-Kabir in 851-855. Ashot I Artsruni, the eldest prince of Vaspurakan, and his son Grigor Derenik were sent to Samarra, the capital of the Caliphate. Grigor-Derenik returned to his homeland in 858 or 859, and in 861 he married Sophie, the daughter of Anyut Bagratuni. From this marriage, three sons were born: Ashot (II), Gagik, the future king of Vaspurakan, and Gurgen 52. Ashot I Artsrunid returned around 859-862 and established control over the Artsrunid territories, but died in 874 or 875.53 After returning to their homeland, Ashot I and Grigor-Derenik sought not only to strengthen their power in relation to other, younger members of the numerous Artsruni family, but also to expand their territories at the expense of weakened families, such as, for example, the Andzevatsi family to the southeast of Lake Van. The last Andzevatsi prince, Mushegh, died without issue. According to the historian Tovma Artsruni (turn of IX-X centuries), Mushegh's wife, Elena, offered her hand to Ashot Artsruni's relative, Gurgen Apupelch.54 It should be noted that during the captivity of Ashot and Grigor-Derenik, Gurgen became one of the most influential rulers of Vaspurakan, enjoying great popularity among the 55 population.

52. Problems of chronology of these events are considered by Vardanyan and Thomson: Vardanyan. Vaspurakan Kingdom, pp. 24, 36; Thomson, R. (transl. and comm.) (1985) Thomas Artsruni. History of the House of the Artsrunik, p. 280. Detroit: Wayne State University Press.

53. Thomson, Thomas Artsruni (p. 280) suggests that Ashot returned as early as 867.

54. Tovma Artsruni. History. p. 324.

55. Ibid., pp. 300-322. Laurent, J. (1922)" Un feodal armenien au IXe siecle: Gourgen Ardzruni, fils d'abou Beldj", Revue des Etudes Armeniennes 2: 157-188; Ter - Gevondyan A. N. Armenia and the Arab Caliphate, pp. 148-150.

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Although Gurgen recognized the primacy of Ashot after his return from Samarra, he also wanted to create a more or less independent enclave in his new territories transferred to him through his wife, i.e., the former possessions of the princes of Anzevatsi. But this situation did not suit Ashot and Grigor-Derenik. That is why they began to pursue a more aggressive policy. To achieve success, they relied not only on the force of arms, but also on the support of local religious institutions. So, the troops of Ashot and Gurgen were located at the village of Blrak (lit. "gorka") near Kangvar, the central fortress of the territories of Anjevatzik, and the famous monastery of Hogeats (lit. "monastery of souls"). But before the battle, to prevent bloodshed and find a peaceful solution to the conflict, Ashot sent two of his representatives to negotiate. One of them was Prince Vahan, a junior member of the Artsrunid family, and the other was Theodoros, abbot of the monastery of Hogeats 56. The choice of Abbot Theodoros, of course, was not accidental, he implied that in the struggle for control of the territory of Anzevatsik, the most influential monastery in the region was on the side of Ashot and Grigor-Derenik. In this way, Ashot and Grigor-Derenik confirmed a mutually beneficial alliance not only with the monastery of Hogeats, but also with the entire territory under the spiritual influence of the monastery. Moreover, according to the Armenian tradition, the monastery of Hogeats was founded by the Apostle Bartholomew, and the miraculous icon of the Mother of God was kept there. Although the extant source telling about this tradition, the Answer to Sahak Artsruni's letter, is attributed to Movses Khorenatsi, this apocryphal story was most likely written at the turn of the 9th-10th centuries.57 Nevertheless, the Letter relies on

56. Tovma Artsruni. History. p. 33° - Hogeats Bank Monastery (Dermeriem Kilisesi tour) located on the territory of Turkey, near the village of Kasrik. The state of the monastery complex at the beginning of the XX century was described by Oskyan. (1947) [Oskyan H. Monasteries of Vaspurakan-Van]. Vol. III. Vienna: Mkhitaristov Publishing House, pp. 759-778. After 1915, the monastery was gradually destroyed. The condition of the ruins in the 60s and 80s of the last century is described in the following works: Thierry J. - M. (1967) "Monasteres armeniens du Vaspurakan I", Revue des Etudes Armeniennes N. S. 4: 167 - 177; Sinclair, Th. (1987) Eastern Turkey: An Architectural and Archaeological Survey, vol. 1, pp. 244 - 245. London: Pindar Press. See also Cuneo, Architettura armenia, No. 325, pp. 546-548; and Idem (1973) Le basiliche di Tux, Xncorgin, Pasvank', Hogeac'Vank'. Roma: De Luca Editore.

57. [Reply to Sahak Artsruni's letter] printed in [The Writings of Our Holy Father Movses Khorenatsi]. Venice: Mkhitaristov Publishing House, 1865. Pp. 283-296. Van Esbroeck does not date this source earlier than 108o, Thierry prefers the end of the VIII - beginning of the IX century, and Thomson - the IX century. Van Esbroeck, M. (1983) "La naissance du culte de Saint Barthelemy en Armenie", Revue des Etudes

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and to more ancient sources. According to another legend, in the IV century. During their flight from Rome to Armenia, St. Hripsime and 39 virgins arrived at the Hogeats Monastery. After that, they stayed at the Varag Monastery, which will be discussed below. Thus, the monastery of Khogeats was associated with the most revered saints of the Armenian Church - its founders. This applies to both St. Hripsime and the Apostle Bartholomew. In this case, it does not matter how historically accurate the stories about the evangelization of Armenia by Bartholomew, the apostolic beginning of the Armenian Church thanks to this mission, the foundation of the Hogeats monastery by the same apostle, or the arrival of St. Hripsime there are. It is important that this hagiographic tradition at the turn of the IX-X centuries was well-known and was not questioned by the inhabitants of Vaspurakan and other regions of Armenia. By supporting and encouraging the already existing deep veneration of these saints and the specific shrines associated with their names, the Artsrunids achieved a number of goals. As can be seen from the example of the struggle between Ashot Artsruni, Grigor-Derenik and Gurgen Apupelc, they could have enjoyed the support of these religious institutions. Patronage of such holy sites gave considerable prestige to the Artsruni family as the guardians of the holiest sites revered throughout medieval Armenia. Recall that during their captivity in Samarra, Prince Ashot and his son Grigor-Derenik were forced to renounce Christianity and convert to Islam. Historian Tovma Artsruni confirms that they pretended to be Muslims, but remained Christians at heart.58 Upon their return to their homeland, both publicly returned to the Christian faith. Patronage of monasteries confirmed the sincerity of their return to Christianity and legitimized their power over Armenian subjects who might have rejected their once treacherous masters.

Through their connection to the monasteries, the Artsrunids announced to their rivals their symbolic and physical presence in key positions in the new territories. Naturally, the princes needed loyal subjects and allies in different parts of their possessions to ensure control over territories where they themselves could not always be physically located. Privet-

Armeniennes N. S. 17: 171-195, especially p. 174; Thierry J.-M. (1989) Monuments Armeniens du Vaspurakan. Paris: Paul Geuthner, p. 452; Thomson, R. (transl. and comm.) (1978) Moses Khorenats'i. History of the Armenians, p. 175, fn. 8. Cambridge (MA): Harvard University Press.

58. Tovma Artsruni. History. pp. 336-338.

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This is another example from the History of Tovma Artsruni, which shows how important monasteries were to solve such problems.

The same Gurgen Apupelch tried to prevent other possible conflicts with Grigor-Derenik and decided to move to the Byzantine side of the border. During this "escape" from Vaspurakan, he met a certain monk who was the "abbot of the monastery". Gurgen asked him for temporary asylum. It is not clear why or how the monk threw Gurgen into prison and spread the rumor that he had died. In the end, Grigor-Derenik arrived there, freed Gurgen, and decided to compromise by giving him some territories in Vaspurakan.59 Of course, this rather confusing story leaves a lot of questions. Tovma does not indicate the place, the name of the monastery, or the name of this monk. It is very difficult to assess the historical accuracy of this report, but it indirectly contains other information. The presence of the monastery and monks ensured the transmission of information about what was happening in different parts of the lands of the Artsrunids. We can even assume that this anonymous monk was some kind of informant.

Varag Monastery and the Relic of the True Cross

The patronage of Varag Monastery once again highlights the fact that we are dealing with the process of establishing control over territories and interreligious relations.60 The policy of expanding the possessions of Ashot Artsruni and his son Grigor-Derenik on the eastern shores of Lake Van led to a conflict with the Muslim Usmanid family, which at that time ruled in the east of Lake Van, owning the important fortress of Amyuk. Tovma Artsruni confirms that the policy of Ashot and Grigor-Derenik was nothing more than a legitimate restoration of ancient borders

59. Tovma Artsruni. History. p. 320.

60. Varag Monastery (Yedikilis tour) It is located on the territory of modern Turkey. The state of the monastery complex at the beginning of the XX century was described by Oskyan. [Oskyan H. Monasteries of Vaspurakan-Van]. T. I. Vienna: Mkhitaristov Publishing House. Pp. 268-339. For details of the condition of the monastery ruins in the 60s and 80s of the last century, see Thierry, J.-M. (1965) "Notes sur des Monuments Armeniens en Turquie", Revue des Etudes Armeniennes N. S. 2: 177-178 and Idem, Monuments armeniens, 132-149; Sinclair, Eastern Turkey, pp. 190-192. See also Cuneo, Architettura armenia, No. 322, pp. 538-543.

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Vaspurakana. According to Tovma, Amyuk was an integral part of Vaspurakan since the time of Alexander the Great. 61 So, the capture of the eastern shores of Lake Van, once belonging to the Rshtuni family, and then captured by the Usmanids, was interpreted by the historian Tovma as the restoration of the ancient borders of Vaspurakan. Tovma clearly conveys the point of view of its patrons Grigor-Derenik and his son Gagik. It should be noted that control over the Amyuk fortress was necessary to attract international transit trade to these territories, since trade routes mainly passed through the northern regions of Armenia.62 From this point of view, it is necessary to consider not only the attempt to capture the fortress of Amyuk, located near the city of Berkri, but also the efforts of Gagik, the future king of Vaspurakan, to develop the cities of Van, Ostan and Akhtamar. Judging by the magnificent buildings of Tsar Gagik on Lake Akhtamar in the early 10th century, their efforts led to the desired results. But in the 70s of the IX century, Gagik's grandfather and father failed to capture the Amyuk fortress, which would have given them the opportunity to control Berkri and the trade route passing through this city. Nevertheless, they tried to at least change the situation by liberating the nearby Varag Monastery. Varag Monastery, located on the slope of the mountain of the same name, enjoyed fame on a par with the monastery of Hogeac. It contained a relic of the True Cross. As in the case of the monastery of Hogeac, hagiographic sources also give us an opportunity to assess the significance of Varag in the IX-X centuries. According to the History of the Hripsime Saints, also attributed to Movses Khorenatsi, but most likely written later, in the tenth century, during her flight to Armenia, the Virgin of Hripsime carried a relic of the True Cross.63 On the way to Vakharshapat (Etchmiadzin) after visiting the monastery of Khogeats, the Holy Virgins stopped at Varag Mountain. Here they lived in caves, which later became semi-permanent.-

61. Tovma Artsruni. History. p. 332.

62. Ter-Ghevondyan, The Arab Emirates, 147. An analysis of Islamic geographical sources led Manandian to conclude that the most important international trade routes of the tenth century passed along the northern shores of Lake Baikal. Van, which were owned by Muslim emirs, through the cities of Bitlis, Hlat, Archesh and Berkri. A less important road ran along the southern shores of the lake, passing through the towns of Van and Ostan. Armenian travel guide of the X century. It mostly describes the northern route and doesn't even mention the cities of Van and Ostan. Manandyan, The Trade and Cities, pp. 148, 156 - 157 и 169 - 171.

63. [History of the Hripsime Saints], in [The Writings of Our Holy Father Movses Khorenatsi]. Venice: Mkhitaristov Publishing House, 1865. Pp. 297-303.

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its name is Urbatairk, i.e. "Friday Caves". After some time, Hripsime and the other virgins continued their journey to northern Armenia, hiding part of the True Cross on Mount Varag 64. Legends about finding the relic of the True Cross go back to the second half of the 7th century, during the reign of Theodore and Varda Rshtuni 65. According to a sermon written by Archbishop John at the turn of the seventh and eighth centuries, the relic of the Holy Cross was found by the hermit Todik and his disciple Jovel due to the appearance of a wonderful shining cross in the sky, indicating the place of its burial. This episode was so important for the Armenian Church that the feast of finding the Cross of Varag was included in the Armenian Synaxary. The solemn fast, which lasted throughout the week until the day of the synaxar reading of the Finding of the Varaga Cross, once again emphasized the deep veneration of this very True Cross and its finding.66 It is not difficult to understand how important the patronage of Varag Monastery and its priceless relic was for the Artsrunids and the legitimization of their control over Varag.

Tovma reports that the Usmanids seized the Varag Monastery and forced the "servants of the Holy Cross" to pay taxes, putting Abbot Grigor in prison. Ashot not only freed Grigor and put him on the throne of the monastery administration, but also captured some fortress in the east of Mount Varag.67 In this connection, in the story of the liberation of Varag Monastery, it is important to note several points. Tovma's anger at the Usmanids over the monastery tax implies that, in the Caliphate's usual practice, monasteries were most likely not taxed-

64. [History of the Hripsime Saints], in [The Writings of Our Holy Father Movses Khorenatsi]. Venice: Mkhitaristov Publishing House, 1865. Pp. 297-303.

65. The Armenian Synaxarium and the History of Tovma Artsruni report that the relic of the True Cross was found in the second half of the seventh century. Bayan, G. (ed.) (193°) "Le Synaxaire Armenien de Ter Israel. VII Mois de Meheki". Patrologia Orientalis, vol. 21, pp. 94 - 95. Paris: Firmin-Didot. Tomva Artsruni. History. p. 394. The same is confirmed by the main source about finding the relics of the Varag Cross, a Sermon by Archbishop John, written, according to Alishan, at the turn of the VII-VIII centuries: [Alishan L. Tales of Armenia] Venice, Mkhitaristov Publishing House, 229-231. The full version of the Sermon was published by Ananyan: (1966) [Ananyan P. "Two sermons of Chorepiscop John"]. Bazmavep 1-3/124: 14-28.

66. Renoux, Ch. (1969) "La croix dans le rite armenien", Parole de VOrient 5/1:131.

67. Tovma Artsruni. History. pp. 332-334.

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mi-68. The case of Varag Monastery was extraordinary, it could even be the result of the Usmanids ' arbitrariness. Varag Monastery was located near the city of Van. While the Artsrunids from the west and the Usmanids from the east began to expand their territories, they clashed with each other in the Van/Varag region. Thus, Varag Mountain and its surroundings became a dangerous border zone. Control over this territory, through patronage of the Varag Monastery and its exemption from taxes, had not only religious, but also political significance. After the Varag Monastery passed into the possession of the Artsrunids, it became the border between the Christians-the Armenian Artsrunids - and the Muslims-the Usmanids.

There were two monastic complexes on Mount Varag: Lower Varag and Upper Varag 69. In modern studies, Varag Monastery was considered mainly from the point of view of art history. We do not have any archaeological data from which we can more accurately date these complexes and their components and determine their functions. Hagiographic reports leave the impression that Upper Varag was founded earlier, as the most important wonders are associated with this part of the mountain. Here St. Hripsime buried part of the True Cross, where the hermit Todik and his disciple lived, who in the second half of the 7th century discovered the place of storage of the holy relic70. John's sermon connects the finding of the True Cross with the actions of Theodoros Rshtuni, who is praised as a defender of the Armenian Church "against the Muslim yoke." The liberation of Varag Monastery and its priceless relic further glorified Ashot and Grigor Derenik as liberators of the Armenian Church and its shrines. Moreover, a typological link was created between the previous owners of these territories, the princes of Rshtuni, especially Theodoros Rshtuni, and the new owners of Vaspurakan, i.e. the Artsrunids. Thus, Ashot and Grigor-Derenik presented themselves as the successors of Theodoros Rshtuni and his son Varda Patrik in establishing the independence of the Armenian religion.

68. Ter-Gevondyan A. N. Armenia and the Arab Caliphate, pp. 173 and 193.

69. Oskyan. Monasteries of Vaspurakan-Van. pp. 269-280.

70. Various hagiographic traditions, including oral ones, are outlined in general terms by Oskyan: Oskyan. Monasteries of Vaspurakan-Van. pp. 276-290.

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Conclusion

There is no doubt that monasteries were the most important centers of culture, enlightenment and spirituality in medieval Christian cultures, including the Armenian one. But they played a significant role in the political and economic life of different countries, and in the management of their territories. The connection between the establishment of monasteries and their patronage by secular rulers and control over territories is well known, in particular, in European medieval studies, but this topic has rarely been studied in scientific works on medieval Armenia. In this article, we did not pretend to fully and comprehensively address this complex issue, limiting ourselves to three examples of the foundation of monasteries and their patronage, in order to show their role in the management and control of territories.

Tracing the history of the founding of the monastery of Sts. We saw how it could have served the political and economic goals of the Bagratids and Sunids of Gegharkunik. Land grants created economic ties between the Gegharkunik region and the territories at the center of the Bagratids ' possessions in Ayrarat. In the political sphere, the attitude of Mashtots, the first abbot of the monastery, to the struggle for the throne between Smbat, the son of King Ashot I, and Abas, Ashot's brother, was considered so important that Abas asked him to support his candidacy. This took place despite the sources ' emphasis on seclusion from the world and the hermit lifestyle of the monks, especially Mashtots. Monastic lands could become neutral territories on the borders between the possessions of various aristocratic families. The example of the Sevan Monastery indicates just such a situation. But the patronage and establishment of monasteries was also able to expand control over neighboring Naharari territories in a peaceful way. The foundation of monasteries in Gegharkunik by the joint efforts of the Bagratids and Sunids of Gegharkunik, or only by the Bagratids (such as Shapukhoma Sparapet) in the early X century. This happened only a few years before Gekharkunik was completely taken over by the Bagratids. At this stage of research, we cannot firmly conclude to what extent the Bagratids founded and patronized monasteries in Gegharkunik.-

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It was either a deliberate policy of expanding their zone of influence or a method of deliberately annexing Gekharkunik to the Bagratid territories. Nevertheless, this coincidence is hardly accidental, and this question deserves a more detailed and comprehensive study.

Vaspurakan has a completely different geopolitical situation compared to the Geharkunik region. The free-thinking policy and competition for the primacy of the Artsrunid princes against the Bagratids were also reflected in their policy towards the monasteries of Vaspurakan. It should be noted that Vaspurakan did not have direct borders with the central Bagratid possessions in Shirak or Ayrarat at the end of the 9th century. If in the case of Gegharkunik we noted cases of joint patronage or the foundation of monasteries, then in Vaspurakan, judging by our sources, this was done exclusively by the Artsrunids. Looking at several cases of joint actions of the Artsrunid rulers and representatives of the monasteries of Khogeats and Varag, we traced how the latter contributed to the control of the new territories captured by the Artsrunids in Vaspurakan. By supporting these monasteries, the Artsrunids established an important connection with the smaller units in these territories and with their populations. Sometimes monks or hegumens served as intermediaries in the struggle for control of territories with other members of the Artsrunid family, as, for example, in the case of the struggle with Gurgen Apupelch. And sometimes they were also points of transmission of important military and political information. Monasteries could also serve as landmarks of not only political but also religious boundaries, as, for example, in the case of Varag Monastery after its liberation from the power of the Muslim Usmanid family. Moreover, the patronage of the Artsrunids to monasteries and their shrines, such as the icon of the Mother of God in the monastery of Khogeats or the relic of the True Cross of Varag, provided incomparable prestige to the family of Artsrunids, elevating them as the custodians of the holiest sites and relics in all of medieval Armenia.

Of course, two or three examples are not sufficient for a more general assessment of the relationship between secular rulers and monastic institutions in medieval Armenia. Nevertheless, even these examples indicate that this poorly understood but important topic deserves further, more in-depth research.

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